Publics around the world are decidedly unhappy about their nations’ economies. Most are displeased with current economic conditions and concerned about rising economic inequality; few are optimistic about the coming year. However, at the same time, most global publics say their personal finances are in better shape than their national economies, according to a new 39-nation survey.

But one of the most striking divides in global economic attitudes is that citizens of emerging market countries are overall more pleased with their economies than are people in advanced or developing economies.

In 2013, a median of 53% in emerging markets say their national economy is doing well, compared with 33% in developing countries and 24% in advanced economies. Attitudes are particularly grim in European countries, such as France (9% good), Spain (4%), Italy (3%) and Greece (1%). Publics in emerging markets such as China (88%) and Malaysia (85%) say their economy is doing especially well.

People in emerging markets also appear to have weathered the recent economic downturn more easily than others around the world. Attitudes in these countries have changed very little or even improved between 2007 and 2013. For example, today, 58% of Chileans say their economy is doing well, compared with 49% in 2007. Meanwhile, among countries surveyed in both 2007 and 2013, a median of 49% in the developing economies said the economy was doing well before the crisis, but just 25% say the same today. Similarly, positive ratings of the economy have declined by 20 percentage points in the advanced economies (44% in 2007 vs. 24% in 2013).¹

Despite unhappiness with the national economy in most countries, many around the world say they are doing well personally. Medians of roughly half or more in each type of economy say their personal finances are good. In the advanced and developing economies, the median percentage who are satisfied with their personal situation is much higher than ratings of the national economy. Among advanced economies, personal financial well-being is rated 34 percentage points higher than national conditions; in the developing countries, the gap is 14 points. And among both the developing and emerging economies, the publics are also optimistic about the future of their personal finances (medians of 53% and 52% say they will improve in the next year, respectively). Only 24% feel the same in the advanced economies.

Nonetheless, despite concerns about their personal economic outlook, people in advanced economies are much less likely than publics in either emerging or developing economies to report lacking the money to purchase food, health care or clothing for their family.

Economic inequality is a common concern for publics around the world. Most people agree that the economic system favors the wealthy. Majorities in most countries say the gap between the rich and the poor has increased in the past five years. This attitude is particularly prevalent among those who live in advanced economies. And at least half in most countries say the wealth gap is a very big problem in their nation, with the developing economies expressing especially high levels of anxiety.

Notwithstanding these concerns, nearly every public surveyed wants the government to focus on creating jobs or taming inflation as a top priority, rather than on reducing economic inequality.

These are among the key findings of a new survey by the Pew Research Center conducted in 39 countries among 37,653 respondents from March 2 to May 1, 2013.²

Gloomy Economic Context

Publics’ attitudes reflect their economic reality – and the global downturn that started after 2007 has had a profound impact on many countries’ economies. Annual growth rates have slowed over recent years in most nations surveyed. This slowdown has been particularly severe in the advanced economies, which had a median annual growth rate of 3.5% in 2007 but just 1.4% in 2012. Growth has also declined in the developing economies (median of 6.8% to 3.6%) and the emerging markets (median of 6.3% to 3.9%).

Despite a drop in growth rates for the advanced economies, this group of countries continues to be much wealthier than the emerging markets, even as the gap has closed somewhat. And the developing economies continue to be considerably poorer than the two other types of economies.

Dissatisfaction with the Economy

Majorities in 26 of the 39 countries surveyed think their economy is faring badly. Among the advanced economies, this includes roughly eight-in-ten or more in Greece (99%), Italy (96%), Spain (96%), France (91%), Britain (83%), the Czech Republic (80%) and South Korea (79%). In the developing economies, the Lebanese (90%), Tunisians (88%) and Pakistanis (81%) express comparable levels of dissatisfaction. Publics in the emerging markets, meanwhile, are less likely to say they are unhappy with their national economies – fewer than half in many of these countries say things are going poorly in their nation.

In many of the advanced and developing economies, economic satisfaction has declined precipitously over the course of the global downturn. Among the advanced economies with comparable data, the biggest declines in positive views of the economy since 2007 have been in Spain (-61 percentage points) and Britain
(-54 points). In the developing economies, attitudes among Pakistanis (-42 points) and Egyptians (-30) have soured the most. Many other countries in these two groups have experienced declines of at least 10 points or more.

In the emerging markets, meanwhile, only in Mexico (-13) have good reviews of the economy fallen by more than 10 points since 2007. Everywhere else, the change has either been minimal or the mood has improved.

The emerging markets also tend to be somewhat more optimistic about the coming year than others – a median of 48% say they expect national economic conditions to improve in the next 12 months, while only 17% say things will get worse. A median of roughly four-in-ten (43%) in developing economies also think things will get better, but 21% say they expect the economy to decline. The advanced economies are the most pessimistic – a median of just 25% say the economy is going to improve, while nearly a third (32%) think things will get worse in the coming year. The Greeks (64%) and French (61%) are the most pessimistic about the next 12 months.

The culprits for these widespread economic woes are both a lack of employment opportunities and rising prices. Creating jobs is clearly the top priority among the publics in advanced and developing economies (medians of 49% and 44%, respectively). However, people in emerging markets are more divided – a median of 33% name employment as the top priority while an equal percentage says the same about inflation.

Personal Finances Better than National Economy

Despite gloomy national conditions, many say their personal economic situation is good. This is one area where the emerging markets are not alone in their positive attitudes – a median of 57% among emerging market publics say things are going well personally, and a nearly equal percentage (58%) among the advanced economies feels good about their family finances. Publics in developing economies are somewhat less satisfied with their personal situation (47%).

Publics’ positive views of their personal situation have also changed little during the recession. Among the 20 countries surveyed in 2008, the first time the question was asked, and in 2013, satisfaction with personal finances declined by 10 percentage points or more in only five countries – Poland (-19 percentage points), Spain (-17 points), Mexico (-12 points), Pakistan (-11 points) and France (-10 points). Meanwhile, among some publics – especially in the emerging markets – positive reviews of their personal finances have gone up since 2008, including by 12 percentage points in Turkey, nine points in Indonesia, eight points in South Africa and six points in Argentina.

In addition, many are optimistic about their personal future. Medians of at least half in the developing economies (53%) and the emerging markets (52%) say they expect their own finances to improve over the next year. Publics in the advanced economies, however, are decidedly less optimistic about their personal outlook – a median of just 24% expect their own finances to get better in the next 12 months.

While people in advanced economies are most bearish about their economic situation, they report very low levels of deprivation relative to others around the world, including people in emerging nations who are more positive and optimistic about economic conditions.

Medians of roughly two-in-ten or fewer in advanced economies say they have been unable to afford the food, clothing or health care their families needed at some point in the past year. In the emerging markets and the developing economies, reports of deprivation are much higher. Among the emerging markets, medians of at least a quarter say they have had trouble getting basic necessities for their families. In the developing economies, roughly half or more in most countries report not being able to afford food, health care or clothing, especially in the African nations surveyed.

Reports of deprivation are closely related to national wealth. For example, in Australia, Canada and Germany – three of the richest countries surveyed in terms of 2012 GDP per capita – roughly one-in-ten or fewer have struggled in the past year to afford food. Meanwhile, in Uganda, Kenya and Senegal – among the poorest countries surveyed – half or more say food for their family has been hard to come by.

The United States is a clear outlier from this pattern. Despite being the richest country in the survey, nearly a quarter of Americans (24%) say they had trouble putting food on the table in the past 12 months. This reported level of deprivation is closer to that in Indonesia or Greece rather than Britain or Canada.

Inequality Seen as Rising

Even though inequality is not a top priority, it is a major concern for the publics surveyed. Clear majorities in most countries say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem for their nation. Concern is especially high in developing economies, where a median of 74% say they are very worried. Somewhat fewer – though still high percentages – say the same in the emerging markets (67%) and the advanced economies (53%).

In addition, broad majorities in 31 of the 39 countries surveyed say the income gap has increased over the past five years. Reports of a rise in income inequality are particularly high in the advanced economies, where a median of 80% say things have gotten worse, compared with medians of 70% in the developing economies and 59% in the emerging markets.

An uneven distribution of wealth in a country may be due to an imbalanced economic system. Roughly two-thirds or more in most countries say their economic system favors the wealthy. Only in Malaysia (56%), Venezuela (53%) and Australia (51%) do at least half say the economic system is fair to most people in their country.

People are also skeptical about the potential for the next generation to move up. Across the 39 countries surveyed, fewer than half in 25 countries believe their nation’s children will be better off financially than their parents. Despair over the future is particularly high in the advanced economies, where roughly four-in-ten or fewer say things will get better for young people. Among this group, South Korea is the sole exception – 56% think children will be better off.

The European Union is the new sick man of Europe. The effort over the past half century to create a more united Europe is now the principal casualty of the euro crisis. The European project now stands in disrepute across much of Europe.

Support for European economic integration – the 1957 raison d’etre for creating the European Economic Community, the European Union’s predecessor – is down over last year in five of the eight European Union countries surveyed by the Pew Research Center in 2013. Positive views of the European Union are at or near their low point in most EU nations, even among the young, the hope for the EU’s future. The favorability of the EU has fallen from a median of 60% in 2012 to 45% in 2013. And only in Germany does at least half the public back giving more power to Brussels to deal with the current economic crisis.

The sick man label – attributed originally to Russian Czar Nicholas I in his description of the Ottoman Empire in the mid-19th century – has more recently been applied at different times over the past decade and a half to Germany, Italy, Portugal, Greece and France. But this fascination with the crisis country of the moment has masked a broader phenomenon: the erosion of Europeans’ faith in the animating principles that have driven so much of what they have accomplished internally.

The prolonged economic crisis has created centrifugal forces that are pulling European public opinion apart, separating the French from the Germans and the Germans from everyone else. The southern nations of Spain, Italy and Greece are becoming ever more estranged as evidenced by their frustration with Brussels, Berlin and the perceived unfairness of the economic system.

These negative sentiments are driven, in part, by the public’s generally glum mood about economic conditions and could well turn around if the European economy picks up. But Europe’s economic fortunes have worsened in the past year, and prospects for a rapid turnaround remain elusive. The International Monetary Fund expects the European Union economy to not grow at all in 2013 and to still be performing below its pre-crisis average in 2018. Nevertheless, despite the vocal political debate about austerity, a clear majority in five of eight countries surveyed still think the best way to solve their country’s economic problems is to cut government spending, not spend more money.

These are among the key findings of a new study by the Pew Research Center conducted in eight European Union nations among 7,646 respondents from March 2 to March 27, 2013.

A Dyspeptic France

No European country is becoming more dispirited and disillusioned faster than France. In just the past year, the public mood has soured dramatically across the board. The French are negative about the economy, with 91% saying it is doing badly, up 10 percentage points since 2012. They are negative about their leadership: 67% think President Francois Hollande is doing a lousy job handling the challenges posed by the economic crisis, a criticism of the president that is 24 points worse than that of his predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy. The French are also beginning to doubt their commitment to the European project, with 77% believing European economic integration has made things worse for France, an increase of 14 points since last year. And 58% now have a bad impression of the European Union as an institution, up 18 points from 2012.

Even more dramatically, French attitudes have sharply diverged from German public opinion on a range of issues since the beginning of the euro crisis. Differences in opinion across the Rhine have long existed. But the French public mood is now looking less like that in Germany and more like that in the southern peripheral nations of Spain, Italy and Greece.

Positive assessment of the economy in France have fallen by more than half since before the crisis and is now comparable to that in the south. The French share similar worries about inflation and unemployment with the Spanish, the Italians and the Greeks at levels of concern not held by the Germans. Only the Greeks and Italians have less belief in the benefits of economic union than do the French. The French now have less faith in the European Union as an institution than do the Italians or the Spanish. And the French, like their southern European compatriots, have lost confidence in their elected leader.

Disillusionment with Elected Leaders

Compounding their doubts about the Brussels-based European Union, Europeans are losing faith in the capacity of their own national leaders to cope with the economy’s woes. In most countries surveyed, fewer people today than a year ago think their national executive is doing a good job dealing with the euro crisis. This includes just 25% of the public in Italy, where the sitting Prime Minister Mario Monti was voted out while this survey was being conducted. Even the Germans, who overwhelmingly back their Chancellor Angela Merkel, are slightly more judgmental of her handling of Europe’s economic challenges than they were last year. And Merkel faces the voters in an election in September 2013.

Nevertheless, Merkel remains the most popular leader in Europe, by a wide margin. She enjoys majority approval for her handling of the European economic crisis in five of the eight nations surveyed. But in Greece (88%) and Spain (57%), majorities now say she has done a bad job, as do half (50%) of those surveyed in Italy.

Economic Gloom

Most Europeans are profoundly concerned about the state of their economies. Just 1% of the Greeks, 3% of the Italians, 4% of the Spanish and 9% of the French think economic conditions are good. Only the Germans (75%) are pleased with their economy.

And the economic mood has worsened appreciably since before the euro crisis began. Positive sentiment is down 61 percentage points in Spain, 54 points in Britain, 22 points in Italy and 21 points in both the Czech Republic and France.

But despair about the economy may have bottomed out in some nations since 2012. Sentiment seems to have stabilized in the Czech Republic and Poland. And the mood can’t get much worse in Spain, Italy and Greece.

Most Europeans are almost as gloomy about the future. Just 11% of the French, 14% of the Greeks and Poles, and 15% of the Czechs think that their national economic situation will improve over the next 12 months.

A median of 78% in the eight countries surveyed say a lack of jobs is a very big problem in their country. And a median of 71% cite the public debt. Except in Germany, overwhelming majorities in many countries say unemployment, the public debt, rising prices and the gap between the rich and the poor are very important problems. Unemployment is the number one worry in seven of the eight countries. Inequality is the principle concern in Germany.

Apprehension about economic mobility and inequality is also widespread. Across the eight nations polled, a median of 66%, including 90% of the French, think children today will be worse off financially than their parents when they grow up. A median of 77% believe that the economic system generally favors the wealthy. This includes 95% of the Greeks, 89% of the Spanish and 86% of the Italians. A median of 60% think the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem; that sentiment is felt by 84% of the Greeks and 75% of both the Italians and the Spanish. And a median of 85% say such inequality has increased in the past five years, a concern particularly prevalent among the Spanish (90%).

Absolute economic deprivation has long been less of an issue in Europe than in some other countries, thanks to the relatively robust European social safety net. But in the wake of economic hard times, deprivation in France is on the rise, where roughly one-in-five say they could not afford food, health care or clothing at some point in the past year.

The Southern Challenge

The euro crisis has created a southern challenge for the European Union. Spain, Italy and Greece have suffered greatly during the economic downturn. And the public mood in these countries is extremely bleak in both absolute and relative terms.

More than seven-in-ten Spanish (79%) and Greeks (72%) say economic conditions are very bad. A majority of Italians (58%) say the same. This compares with a median of 28% for the rest of Europe. More than nine-in-ten in Greece (99%), Italy (97%) and Spain (94%) think the lack of employment opportunities is a very big problem (official unemployment in January 2013 was 27.2% in Greece and in March 2013 was 26.7% in Spain and 11.5% in Italy). Fully 94% of Greeks, 84% of Italians and 69% of Spanish complain that inflation also poses a very big challenge. This compares with a median of 58% elsewhere. And roughly seven-in-ten or more in all three countries fault their leader’s handing of the economic crisis.

Such economic gloom has fed disgruntlement with the European Union. In Greece, 78% now believe that economic integration has weakened the Greek economy, a sentiment about their economy shared by 75% of the Italians and 60% of the Spanish. As a result, nearly two-thirds (65%) of Greeks and about half (52%) of the Spanish have an unfavorable view of the EU. This compares with medians of 59% who question integration and 48% who take a critical view of the EU in the other five countries surveyed.

Concern about inequality is widespread throughout Europe, particularly in the south. A view that the economic system generally favors the wealthy is shared by 95% of the Greeks, 89% of the Spanish and 86% of the Italians. Such frustration exceeds the median of 72% in the other five nations surveyed. Similarly, 84% of the Greeks and 75% of the Italians and Spanish say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem. That compares with a median of just 54% of the Europeans surveyed outside the region who hold such critical views.

So What to Do about the Euro Crisis?

When asked which of the economic challenges facing their countries their government should address first, people in seven of the eight nations choose the lack of employment opportunities. A median of 57% first want their elected leaders to create more jobs. And employment is a particular priority in Spain (72%), Italy (64%) and the Czech Republic (64%).

Europeans are of two minds about public debt, which has been at the center of the debate over the euro crisis since it began. A majority in six of the eight countries surveyed consider debt a very big problem. When pressed to choose between reducing public expenditures and more spending, most publics choose the former, even in Spain (67%) and Italy (59%), despite the fact that people there have already experienced cutbacks in government spending, economic contraction and record high unemployment. Across Europe a median of 59% believe that reducing public debt is the best way to solve their country’s economic problems. But a median of only 17% think debt reduction should be their government’s number one economic priority.

Some Good News

Despite rising disillusionment with the European project, the euro, the common currency for 17 of the 27 European Union members, remains in public favor. More than six-in-ten people want to keep the euro as their currency in Greece (69%), Spain (67%), Germany (66%), Italy (64%) and France (63%). And support for the euro has actually increased in Italy and Spain since last year.

Moreover, notwithstanding the fact that only 26% of the British public think being a member of the European Union has been good for their economy and just 43% hold positive views of the European Union, the British, who will hold a referendum on continued EU membership in 2017, remain evenly divided on leaving the EU: 46% say stay and 46% say go.

Differences Abound

Overall, the 2013 survey highlights more starkly than ever the differences between the views of Germans and other Europeans on a range of issues. And it underscores that, in some cases, those differences are growing. Germans feel better than others about the economy (by 66 points over the EU median), about their personal finances (by 26 points), about the future (by 12 points), about the European Union (by 17 points), about European economic integration (by 28 points) and about their own elected leadership (by 48 points).

And the survey contradicts oft-repeated narratives about the Germans: that they are paranoid about inflation, disinclined to bail out their fellow Europeans and debt-obsessed. To the contrary, Germans are among the least likely of those surveyed to see inflation as a very big problem and the most likely among the richer European nations to be willing to provide financial assistance to other European Union countries that have major financial problems. And while Germans are worried about public debt, they are more concerned about inequality and equally concerned about unemployment.

The prominent role Germans have played in Europe’s response to the euro crisis has evoked decidedly mixed emotions from their fellow Europeans. In every country except Greece, people consider Germans the most trustworthy. At the same time, in six of the eight nations surveyed, people see the Germans as the least compassionate. And in five of the eight, they are considered the most arrogant. In the wake of the strict austerity measures imposed in Greece, Greek enmity toward the Germans knows little bound. Greeks consider the Germans to be the least trustworthy, the most arrogant and the least compassionate. But the Greeks themselves do not fare that well. They are considered the least trustworthy by the French, the Germans and the Czechs.

Israelis and Palestinians differ widely in their outlook for a peaceful resolution of their longstanding conflict and in their views about the United States. But both want U.S. President Barack Obama to play a larger role in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian stalemate.

Israelis, on balance, believe a way can be found for an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully with their country. Palestinians, on the other hand, overwhelmingly do not think this is possible, and a plurality believes armed struggle rather than negotiations or nonviolent resistance is the best way to achieve statehood.

Views of the United States also continue to vary considerably between Israelis and Palestinians. Israelis are far more likely to rate the U.S. favorably and to say its policies in the Middle East are fair.

Nonetheless, while Palestinians give the U.S. negative ratings and are nearly unanimous in saying the U.S. favors Israel in the Israeli-Palestinian dispute, many join Israelis in welcoming a larger role for the Obama administration in resolving the conflict.

While Obama, who visited Jerusalem and the West Bank in March, remains largely unpopular in the Palestinian territories, his ratings have improved markedly in Israel. The president enjoys the confidence of 61% of Israelis, up 12 percentage points from 2011. Palestinians, however, remain negative, with just 15% expressing confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs, and 82% saying they have little or no confidence in the American president.

These are among the key findings from a new survey by the Pew Research Center of 14,997 people in 12 countries and the Palestinian territories from March 3 to April 12, 2013. Survey countries include Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Tunisia, Egypt, Israel and the Palestinian territories, as well as the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council – the United States, France, Britain, China and Russia – and Germany, which has played an active role in key issues related to the Middle East. Surveys in Israel and the Palestinian territories were conducted after Obama’s trip to the region.

Israel’s image is overwhelmingly negative in the region; 86% or more in Lebanon, Jordan, the Palestinian territories, Egypt, Tunisia and Turkey have an unfavorable view. Israel also has few friends in France, Germany and China, where majorities express negative opinions of the Jewish state. The U.S. is the only country surveyed where a majority (57%) gives Israel a favorable rating.

Despite their negative views of Israel, Westerners generally believe a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is possible. At least half in France, Germany, Britain and the U.S. think a way can be found for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully. In contrast, publics in Turkey and in the Arab countries surveyed are skeptical that this is possible.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas receive negative ratings in the region, although majorities in Israel and in the Palestinian territories rate their own leader favorably.

Netanyahu’s ratings are especially negative, with seven-in-ten in Turkey and at least 85% in Lebanon, the Palestinian territories, Jordan, Egypt and Tunisia expressing unfavorable views. Abbas receives his most negative ratings in Israel, where 84% have an unfavorable view of the Palestinian leader. Majorities or pluralities in Lebanon, Egypt, Jordan and Turkey also offer negative ratings of Abbas.

In Israel, a substantial number believes the continued building of Jewish settlements in the West Bank hurts their nation’s security, an opinion that is held by nearly half of secular Jews and by a large majority of Arabs in that country. In contrast, just 19% of Israeli Jews who describe themselves as traditional, religious or ultra-Orthodox, say the continued building of settlements makes Israel less safe, while 41% say it makes Israel safer and 31% say it does not make a difference.

Middle East Sympathies

Perceptions of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians differ considerably across the countries surveyed. In the U.S., about half (53%) say they sympathize more with Israel, while just 14% sympathize more with the Palestinians. This is virtually unchanged from the last time the Pew Global Attitudes Project asked this question in 2007.

Views are more mixed in France, Germany and Russia. For example, 40% of French respondents sympathize more with Israel, while 44% say their sympathies lie with the Palestinians. Similarly, in Germany and Russia, about as many side with Israel as side with the Palestinians, but substantial numbers in these countries do not sympathize with either side in this conflict (31% and 42%, respectively).

One-in-five respondents in Britain also do not sympathize with either side in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but those who choose a side tend to sympathize with the Palestinians. About a third (35%) of the British sympathize with the Palestinians, while 19% side with Israel.

In Turkey and the Arab countries where this question was asked, overwhelming majorities side with the Palestinians. At least nine-in-ten in Tunisia (98%), Jordan (94%) and Egypt (92%) sympathize with the Palestinians in the dispute with Israel, as do 88% in Lebanon and 66% in Turkey.

For the most part, there has been little change in perceptions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in recent years. In France, however, opinions are more balanced than they were in 2007, when 43% sympathized with the Palestinians and 32% sympathized with Israel. Germans also offer more even views now compared with six years ago; 34% sided with Israel and 21% sided with the Palestinians in 2007.

Prospects for Palestinian Statehood

Israelis and Palestinians have very different opinions on the prospects for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state that coexists peacefully alongside Israel. Half of Israelis think this is possible, while 38% say it is not and 9% say it depends.

Palestinians are far less optimistic; 61% do not believe a way can be found for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully, while 14% say this is possible and 22% say it depends.

Israeli Arabs are considerably more likely than Jews to say it is possible for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully; 75% of Arabs in Israel say this is the case, compared with 46% of Israeli Jews.

Among Jews in Israel, a majority of those who describe themselves as secular believe a peaceful two-state solution is a possibility, while just 32% of those who describe themselves as traditional, religious or ultra-Orthodox share this view.

Elsewhere, at least half in France (71%), Germany (59%), Britain (52%) and the U.S. (50%) are optimistic that a way can be found for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully with each other.

In Lebanon and Tunisia, majorities say there is not a way for a peaceful two-state solution to be achieved (80% and 57%, respectively), and about half (47%) in Turkey and 40% in Egypt are also skeptical. Opinions are somewhat more divided in Jordan, Russia and China, although pluralities in Russia and China say there is a way for Israel and an independent Palestinian state to coexist peacefully.

Palestinians are more likely to say armed struggle is the best way for their people to achieve statehood (45%) than they are to say negotiations or nonviolent resistance offer the best prospect for the creation of a Palestinian state (15% each). Another 22% volunteer that a combination of these three approaches would be most effective.

When asked whether Arab countries are doing too much, too little or enough to help the Palestinian people achieve statehood, three-quarters in the Palestinian territories say they are doing too little; 16% say other Arab nations are doing enough and 5% believe they are doing too much to help Palestinians achieve statehood.

In the other Arab countries surveyed, only in Tunisia and Egypt do majorities or pluralities say their country could be doing more to help the Palestinians. More than six-in-ten (64%) Tunisians say their country is doing too little to help the Palestinian people achieve statehood. In Egypt, 47% believe their country is doing too little, but 34% think it is doing enough and 14% think Egypt is doing too much to help Palestinians with this goal.

Views are more mixed in Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey. For example, about the same number of Lebanese say their country is doing too little to help the Palestinian people achieve statehood (37%) as say it is doing enough (38%), while about a quarter (24%) believe Lebanon is doing too much. Among Jordanians, 28% say their country could be doing more to help Palestinians, while 38% think it is doing enough and 29% think Jordan is doing too much. And in Turkey, 26% say their country is doing too little, but 33% believe it is doing enough and 15% say it is doing too much to help the Palestinian people achieve statehood.

Views of Israel Largely Unfavorable

The U.S. is the only country surveyed where a majority expresses positive views of Israel: 57% of Americans have a favorable opinion and 27% have an unfavorable view of one of their country’s closest allies in the Middle East. Russians also express more favorable than unfavorable views of Israel (46% vs. 38%).

In predominantly Muslim countries, as well as in France, Germany, Britain and China, majorities or pluralities express negative opinions in Israel. At least eight-in-ten in Lebanon (99%), Jordan (96%), the Palestinian territories (94%), Egypt (92%), Turkey (86%), and Tunisia (86%) offer unfavorable views. Majorities in China (66%), France (65%) and Germany (62%) also express negative opinions of Israel, as does a 44%-plurality in Britain.

Negative Views of Netanyahu and Abbas

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu receives overwhelmingly negative ratings in neighboring countries. At least nine-in-ten in neighboring Lebanon (99%), Palestinian territories (96%), Jordan (95%) and Egypt (92%) have an unfavorable view of the Israeli leader; 85% in Tunisia and 70% in Turkey also express negative opinions of Netanyahu.

In Israel, by contrast, more than half (56%) view Netanyahu favorably, while 42% have an unfavorable opinion of their country’s prime minister. Israeli Jews are far more likely than Israeli Arabs to express positive views of Netanyahu. Among Jews, 63% have a favorable opinion and 36% have an unfavorable view of the prime minister; among Arabs, just 20% have a positive view, while 76% have a negative view of Netanyahu. Israeli Jews who describe themselves as traditional, religious or ultra-Orthodox are especially likely to have a favorable opinion of Netanyahu (70% vs. 58% of secular Jews).

Views of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas are also largely negative across the region, but not as overwhelmingly so as views of Netanyahu. More than eight-in-ten (84%) Israelis hold unfavorable opinions of Abbas, but Arabs in that country are more positive, with 52% expressing favorable views and 44% expressing negative opinions of Abbas.

Majorities in Lebanon (64%), Egypt (58%) and Jordan (56%) also have unfavorable views, as does a 42%-plurality in Turkey. Tunisians are nearly evenly divided, with 40% expressing positive views and 37% expressing unfavorable views of the Palestinian leader.

In Lebanon, views of Abbas reflect religious and sectarian differences. Majorities of Christians (78%) and Shia (66%) hold unfavorable opinions of Abbas. Among Lebanese Sunnis, however, most (54%) give the Palestinian leader a positive rating, while 44% have a negative opinion of him.

Palestinians express mostly positive opinions of Abbas; 61% have a favorable view and 34% have an unfavorable view of the Palestinian president. Abbas is viewed favorably by majorities in both the West Bank (57%) and Gaza (68%). His party also receives positive ratings among Palestinians; 69% have a favorable view of Fatah, while 27% express unfavorable opinions.

Islamic Jihad and Hamas, two groups designated as terrorist organizations by the U.S., receive lower ratings among Palestinians than Fatah, which renounced terrorism in 1988. Still, a majority of Palestinians (56%) holds favorable opinions of Islamic Jihad, while about a third (35%) gives the militant organization negative ratings.

Opinions of Hamas are more mixed, with 48% of Palestinians viewing the extremist group favorably and 45% saying they have an unfavorable view of Hamas. In 2011, when Pew Research last asked Palestinians about Hamas, more held negative views (56%) than expressed positive opinions (42%), but the militant organization was more popular in 2007, when 62% of Palestinians gave it a positive rating. Views of Hamas and Islamic Jihad do not vary significantly between the West Bank and Gaza or across demographic groups.

Many Israelis Say Settlements Hurt Security

About four-in-ten Israelis (42%) believe the continued building of Jewish settlements in the West Bank hurts their nation’s security; 27% say the expansion of settlements helps Israel’s security, and 23% say it does not make a difference.

Israeli Arabs are far more likely than Israeli Jews to say the continued building of Jewish settlements in the West Bank hurts Israel’s security. More than eight-in-ten (84%) Israeli Arabs express this view, while 4% say it helps their country’s security and 2% believe it does not make a difference. Israeli Jews are divided: 35% say the expansion of settlements hurts the security of Israel, 31% say it helps, and 27% say it does not make a difference.

Among Jews, those who are secular are considerably more critical of the continued building of settlements than those who describe themselves as traditional, religious or ultra-Orthodox. Nearly half of secular Jews in Israel (47%) believe the continued building of Jewish settlements in the West Bank hurts their country’s security; fewer say it helps or does not make a difference (23% each). Among more observant Jews, just 19% say expansion of settlements hurts Israel’s security, while 41% say it helps and 31% say it does not make a difference.

Israelis and Palestinians Differ on Views of U.S. and Obama

The U.S. receives overwhelmingly positive ratings in Israel, with even more Israelis now saying they have a favorable view of their country’s ally than did so two years ago, when Pew Research last conducted a survey in Israel; today, 83% express a positive opinion of the U.S., compared with 72% in 2011. In contrast, about eight-in-ten (79%) Palestinians express unfavorable views of the U.S., virtually unchanged from recent surveys.

In Israel, Jews are far more likely than Arabs to express positive views of the U.S.; nine-in-ten Israeli Jews have a favorable opinion, compared with 42% of Israeli Arabs. Arabs and Jews in Israel agree, however, that their country’s relationship with the U.S. is good. Overall, 94% of Israelis think Israel and the U.S. have a good relationship; 93% of Israeli Jews and 95% of Israeli Arabs share this view.

In the Palestinian territories, about one-third (35%) describe relations between the Palestinian Authority and the U.S. as good, while most (57%) say they are bad. Opinions are especially negative in Gaza, where just 24% say the relationship between their government and the U.S. is good, while 73% say it is bad. Views are more mixed in the West Bank, with 42% saying the Palestinian Authority has a good relationship with the U.S. and 47% saying relations between the two governments are bad.

Israelis and Palestinians also differ on views of Obama. About six-in-ten (61%) Israelis express confidence in the American president to do the right thing regarding world affairs, up from 49% in 2011. In the Palestinian territories, just 15% have confidence in Obama, while 82% have little or no confidence in him.

In Israel, opinions of Obama are far more positive among Jews than among Arabs. More than six-in-ten (64%) Jews express confidence in the American president, compared with about half (48%) of Arabs.

Secular Jews in Israel are especially positive in their views of Obama. About seven-in-ten (71%) secular Jews have confidence in Obama to do the right thing when it comes to world affairs, compared with 56% of Israeli Jews who describe themselves as traditional, religious or ultra-Orthodox.

U.S. Policies in the Middle East

Israelis are more likely than they were six years ago to see U.S. policies in the Middle East as fair. Nearly half of Israelis (47%) say this is the case, while 35% say U.S. policies favor their own country too much and 14% say the U.S. is biased towards the Palestinians. In 2007, 37% of Israelis believed the U.S. was fair, while 42% said it favored Israel too much and 13% said the U.S. was overly supportive of the Palestinians.

Israeli opinions about U.S. policies in the Middle East vary considerably by ethnicity and religious affiliation. About six-in-ten (62%) secular Jews in Israel see the U.S. as fair, while 23% say the U.S. is biased toward Israel and 12% say the U.S. is biased toward the Palestinians. Among Israeli Jews who describe themselves as traditional, religious or ultra-Orthodox, 47% say U.S. policies in the region are fair, 23% say they favor their own country too much, and 22% say the U.S. is biased towards the Palestinians. Israeli Arabs overwhelmingly believe U.S. policies favor Israel too much; 94% say this is the case.

Palestinian assessments of U.S. policies in the Middle East mirror those of Arabs in Israel. More than nine-in-ten (95%) Palestinians believe the U.S. is biased toward Israel, virtually unchanged from past surveys.

When asked whether they would like the Obama administration to play a larger role, a smaller role or about the same role it has been playing in resolving the conflict in the Middle East, at least four-in-ten Israelis and Palestinians say they would like it to play a larger role in the coming months.

About half (49%) of Israelis would like the Obama administration to be more involved, while 15% would like it to play a smaller role and 29% would like it to play the same role it has been playing in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Opinions on this do not vary considerably between Israeli Arabs and Jews.

In the Palestinian territories, 41% would welcome more involvement from the Obama administration in the coming months; about a quarter (26%) of Palestinians want the American president to play a smaller role in resolving the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, and 19% would like it to play the same role it has been playing. Those who live in the West Bank are more likely than Gaza residents to say they would like the Obama administration to play a larger role in the Middle East conflict; 47% in the West Bank want more U.S. involvement, compared with 30% in Gaza.

Israeli and Palestinian Policies toward the U.S.

A majority of Israelis (61%) approve of Netanyahu’s policies toward the U.S., while 28% disapprove. Israeli Jews who describe themselves as traditional, religious or ultra-orthodox are especially likely to approve of Netanyahu’s policies (75% approve), but most secular Jews also approve (63%). Israeli Arabs are more critical of the prime minister’s policies toward the U.S.; just 22% approve and 59% disapprove of Netanyahu’s policies toward the U.S.

In the Palestinian territories, half approve of Abbas’ policies toward the U.S., and 38% disapprove. Views of the way Hamas is handling the U.S. are more mixed; 39% approve and 46% disapprove. Opinions about Hamas’ policies toward the U.S. are similar in the West Bank and Gaza.

As concern mounts about the Syrian government’s possible use of chemical weapons against its own people, publics in the Middle East – especially the Lebanese – are extremely worried about violence spreading to neighboring countries. Nonetheless, a new survey by the Pew Research Center, conducted before news emerged of alleged use of chemical agents by the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, found little regional support for Western or Arab countries sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria. And there is even greater opposition among American and European publics to such indirect Syrian involvement by their governments. A more recent Pew Research nationwide U.S. poll finds that hard evidence that Damascus has engaged in chemical warfare would only lead to a modest increase in American public support for an allied military effort in Syria.

Meanwhile, Assad is very unpopular throughout the region, except among Shia Muslims in Lebanon. In turn, Lebanese Muslims are divided over aid to the rebels. Most Sunnis back such assistance, while Shia overwhelmingly oppose it.

These are the key findings from a new survey by the Pew Research Center of 11,771 people in 12 countries from March 3 to April 7, 2013. Surveyed countries include Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, Egypt, Israel, the Palestinian territories and Tunisia in the Middle East; Germany, France and Britain in Europe; and the United States and Russia.

Fear of Spreading Violence

Publics in the region are deeply concerned that the fighting in Syria could one day spread to neighboring nations. This worry is particularly prevalent in predominantly Muslim countries that share a border with Syria, notably Lebanon and Jordan.

With clashes escalating along the Syrian-Lebanese frontier, more than nine-in-ten Lebanese (95%) worry that Syria’s violence may spill over into their nation, including 68% who are very concerned. Such fears are shared by all the principal religious groups in Lebanon: the Christians (99%), Shia (95%) and Sunni (91%). With roughly 400,000 Syrian refugees already seeking shelter in Jordan, 80% of Jordanians express concern about the Syrian fighting spreading into Jordan. In Turkey, which already harbors nearly 300,000 Syrians who have fled the civil war, 62% say they are apprehensive that the violence could infect their society.

Middle Eastern nations slightly further afield are only marginally less concerned. In Tunisia, 89% worry that the turmoil in Syria could lead to new unrest in other countries. In Egypt, 77% of those surveyed express anxiety that the violence might trigger conflicts elsewhere; as do 74% in the Palestinian territories. Meanwhile, the Israelis, who have fought four major wars with the Syrians, look on with unease. Nearly eight-in-ten (78%) Israelis are concerned that the fighting north of the Golan Heights could eventually lead to instability in other parts of the region.

Few Favor Arming Rebels

Despite such concerns, publics in the region are generally opposed to both Western and Arab governments sending arms and military supplies to anti-government groups in Syria.

Populations in five of the six countries in the region that were surveyed oppose Americans or Europeans supplying the Syrian rebels with weapons. This opposition is particularly strong in Lebanon where 80% of the total public and 98% of Shia Lebanese do not want the West to
get involved. In Jordan (53%) about half the population supports American or European military assistance for the Syrian opposition.

Similarly, only the Jordanians (65%) and Lebanese Sunnis (63%) back Arabs arming the rebels. Nearly all the Shia (97%) surveyed in Lebanon are opposed to such outside intervention.

At the same time, there is no public support in the United States, Western Europe or in Turkey for sending arms and military supplies to the anti-government groups in Syria. Eight-in-ten (82%) Germans oppose such assistance, as do more than two-thirds of the French (69%) and the Turks (65%) and a majority of the British (57%). Nearly two-thirds (64%) of Americans were also against arming the rebels when the survey was taken in the first two weeks of March. Since then evidence has emerged that the Assad government may have used chemical weapons in its fight against opposition forces. In a subsequent Pew Research Center poll taken April 25-28, Americans, by a 45% to 31% margin, favor rather than oppose the U.S. and its allies taking military action against Syria, if it is confirmed that Syria used chemical weapons against anti-government groups.

Meanwhile, the Russian government, long an ally of the Assad regime and a vocal opponent of outside intervention in the Syrian civil war, can claim little backing for its policy from its own people. Just 27% of Russians approve of Moscow’s support of the Syrian government. Most Russians (52%) have no opinion on the issue.

Assad Highly Unpopular

There is little public backing for Syrian president Bashar al-Assad from the mostly Sunni Arab publics in the Middle East. Only the Shia in Lebanon (91%) have a favorable view of him. (Assad comes from a family of Alawites, a branch of Shia Islam.)

Roughly nine-in-ten Lebanese Sunnis (92%), Israelis (91%) and Jordanians (90%) have a negative view of the Syrian leader, as do eight-in-ten Egyptians (81%) and Tunisians (81%) and seven-in-ten Turks (72%). Even the Christians in Lebanon (63%) oppose Assad, despite the relative protection the Assad family has given the Christian community in Syria over the years.

The intensification of the conflict in Syria in the last year has not altered regional views of Assad. He was not liked in 2012 and he is not liked today.

Survey Report

Cell phones are owned by overwhelmingly large majorities of people in most major countries around the world, and they are used for much more than just phone calls. In particular, text messaging is a global phenomenon – across the 21 countries surveyed, a median of 75% of cell phone owners say they text.

Texting is widespread in both wealthy nations and the developing world. In fact, it is most common among cell phone owners in two of the poorest nations surveyed: Indonesia and Kenya.

Many also use their mobile phones to take pictures or video. A median of 50% use their cell phones in this way in the 21 countries polled. Fully 72% of Japanese cell phone owners take pictures or video, as do roughly six-in-ten in Mexico (61%), Spain (59%) and Egypt (58%). Fewer users access the internet via cell phone, although more than four-in-ten mobile phone owners use their device to go online in Israel (47%), Japan (47%) and the United States (43%).

The survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted March 21 to May 15, also finds that social networking is popular in many nations around the globe. This is especially true in Israel (53%) and the U.S. (50%), where half or more say they use social networking websites. More than four-in-ten use these sites in Britain (43%), Russia (43%) and Spain (42%).

Social networking is generally more common in higher income nations; however, this is largely driven by the fact that wealthier countries have higher rates of internet access. People in lower income nations who have online access use social networking at rates that are as high, or higher, than those found in affluent countries.

In nearly every country, the young and the well-educated are especially likely to embrace all of these technologies. People under age 30 and college graduates tend to use their cell phones for more purposes than those in older age groups and those without a college degree, and they are also more likely to use social networking sites.

Many Use Phones for Texting, Pictures

Text messaging is highly prevalent – in 19 of 21 countries, a majority of mobile phone owners regularly send text messages.

Texting is most common among cell phone owners in Indonesia (96%), Kenya (89%), and Lebanon (87%), with eight-in-ten or more in Poland, Mexico, Japan and China also saying they regularly text.

In Western Europe, seven-in-ten or more say they send text messages on their cell phones, with the notable exception of Germany, where just 56% regularly text. Only in India and Pakistan do less than half (49% and 44%, respectively) of cell phone owners text.

The Japanese are the most likely of the publics surveyed to say they regularly take pictures or video with their cell phones, with 72% using their mobile phones for such purposes. Roughly six-in-ten cell phone owners in Mexico (61%), Spain (59%), and Egypt (58%) use their phones for snapping pictures or shooting video, while this is much less common in Lebanon (33%), Kenya (31%), Germany (27%), and India (26%). Only 9% of Pakistani cell phone owners say they use their devices for taking pictures or video.

In none of the countries surveyed do a majority use their cell phone regularly to access the internet. Still, at least 30% in six countries – Israel, Japan, the U.S., Britain, China and Poland – do go online using their phone.

Social Networking Widely Popular

In 15 of 21 countries, at least 25% of those polled use social networking sites. Israel (53%) and the U.S. (50%) top the list with the highest percentage of adults who say they use online social networking sites such as Facebook.¹

About four-in-ten of all adults in Britain (43%), Russia (43%), Spain (42%), Lithuania (39%) and Poland (39%) also say they engage in social networking. Among this group, Russia is the only country where nearly all internet users are on social networking sites. Only 6% of Russian internet users say they do not go on these sites. In Germany (35%), France (35%), and China (32%), about a third of adults do so.

Germany, France, and Japan are the only countries polled where more internet users say they do not go on social networking sites than say they do. While 35% of Germans use social networking sites, 44% go online but do not use such sites; the comparable numbers are 35% and 38% in France and 25% and 33% in Japan.

About three-in-ten are on social networking sites in Ukraine (30%), Turkey (29%), Jordan (29%), and Egypt (28%). In these four countries, as well as many others where social networking is less prevalent, the percentage of users tends to be low because majorities do not use the internet at all; however, among those who do use the internet, more are using social networking sites than not.

In most of the countries surveyed, there has been only marginal change in social networking use since 2010. Two notable exceptions are Egypt and Russia – countries where the role of social media in recent political upheaval has been the subject of considerable attention. In both nations, usage has increased by ten percentage points over the past year, from 18% in 2010 to 28% in 2011 in Egypt and from 33% to 43% in Russia.²

The percentage of adults who use social networking sites is determined in part by the prevalence of internet use, which is more broadly connected to a country’s wealth. The scatter plot below shows the positive relationship between GDP per capita (PPP) in the country and the level of social networking.

The U.S., which has the highest per capita GDP among the countries surveyed, is also among the countries with the highest percentage of adults using social networking sites, while Pakistan and India have two of the lowest per capita GDPs and the lowest levels of social networking.

Young, Educated Are More Connected

Consistently, young people are more likely to use their cell phones for functions other than phone calls and they are much more likely to become involved in social networking. For instance, in nearly all countries, people ages 18 to 29 are more likely than those 50 or older to access the internet on their mobile phone. This is especially true in Japan, where 78% of mobile phone users ages 18 to 29 regularly use their cell phones to access the internet, compared with only 20% of those 50 or older. Similarly, in the U.S., 73% of 18-29 year-olds use their cell phone for the internet, compared with 49% of 30-49 year-olds and 21% of those 50 or older. Young people are also consistently more likely to use their cell phones for texting and taking pictures or video.

Meanwhile, social networking varies considerably by age in almost all countries surveyed. In 13 of 21 countries, majorities of adults under age 30 use social networking sites. The only country in which even a quarter of those 50 or older engages in social networking is the U.S. (26%).

A gap of 50 percentage points or more between adults under age 30 and those over age 50 emerges in 11 of the countries surveyed. The gap is most striking in Lithuania, where 84% of 18-29 year-olds use social networking sites, while 43% of 30-49 year-olds and just 10% of those 50 and older do the same.

The gap on use of social networking between the oldest and youngest age groups is also large in the U.S., Western and Eastern Europe, Israel, and Japan.

There are smaller gaps between age groups in Indonesia (-26), Kenya (-19), and Jordan (-17), countries with lower internet usage rates. The age gap is smallest in the two countries with the lowest internet usage – India (-8) and Pakistan (-5) – as well as in Egypt (-9).

While younger adults are more likely to go online than older adults, the age gap in internet usage is not the sole driver of the age gap in social networking. Even among internet users, older people are consistently much less likely to engage in social networking than adults under the age of 30.

There are also notable education gaps regarding the use of these technologies. For example, 76% of Chinese cell phone owners with a college degree use the internet on their device, while just 34% of those who did not complete college use their phones in this way. Among American cell phone owners with a college degree, 53% use their phone to go online, compared with 39% of those without a college degree.

Education level is also a significant factor in social networking usage, though the importance of education varies widely by country. The largest differences between college graduates and those without a college degree are found in Egypt (+71) and China (+51). The education gap is somewhat less pronounced in the U.S. and Western Europe; and it is especially low in Germany (+4) and Britain (+2).

Compared with age and education, gender differences are less common in these measures of technology usage. Nevertheless, there are notable gender gaps in a few countries, including Spain, where 29% of male cell phone owners use their devices to access the internet, compared with 13% of females. In Germany, 26% of men who own a cell phone regularly use it for accessing the internet, while just 11% of women do so. And in Turkey, the gap is 16 percentage points between men (30%) and women (14%).

In Egypt, the gender gap is reversed, with women more likely than men to use their cell phones for texting (80% vs. 65%) and for taking pictures or video (65% vs. 53%).

There are few gender differences in social networking usage, although in Turkey 37% of men use social networking sites, compared with just 20% of women.

Note: For more comprehensive information on the methodology of this study, see the “Methods in Detail” section in “China Seen Overtaking U.S. as Global Superpower”, released July 13, 2011.

With U.S. students underperforming in international tests, it may not be surprising that more than six-in-ten (64%) Americans say that parents do not put enough pressure on their children to do well in school; only 11% currently say parents put too much pressure on students, while 21% say parents are exerting the right amount of pressure.

In sharp contrast, about two-thirds (68%) of the Chinese public take just the opposite position in saying that parents in their country, with its surging economy, put too much pressure on their children to succeed academically.

The survey, conducted March 18 to May 15 by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, finds that Americans are considerably more likely than any other publics polled to say that parents do not put enough pressure on their children, while China is the only country in which a majority sees parents putting too much pressure on students.

In nearly half of the countries surveyed, majorities or pluralities see parents applying too little pressure on students. In addition to the U.S., narrower majorities in Lithuania (55%) and Spain (52%) also think that parents in their countries are not pushing children hard enough to succeed in school, as do about half in Brazil (49%), the Palestinian territories (49%), and Israel (48%).

While China is the only country where a majority offers the view that parents are applying too much pressure on their children, a 44%-plurality in India also sees parents putting too much pressure on children to succeed academically. Pluralities in Kenya (42%) and Pakistan (41%) also say students in their country face too much pressure from parents to do well in school.

More Americans Say Parents Are Not Tough Enough

The percentage of Americans who say parents do not put enough pressure on their children to do well in school has increased by eight percentage points, from 56% in 2006. The shift has been especially notable among women, people between the ages 30 to 49, those with at least some college education, and Democrats.

Five years ago, men were considerably more likely than women to say parents were not pushing their children hard enough; 62% of men said this was the case, compared with 51% of women. Today, however, men and women offer nearly identical views, with 65% of men and 62% of women saying parents put too little pressure on students.

Similarly, the percentage of respondents between the ages 30 to 49 who say parents do not put enough pressure on children has increased by 13 percentage points since 2006. About seven-in-ten (72%) in this age group, which is more likely than any other group to have children younger than 18 living in their households, say parents are not tough enough; five years ago, 59% shared this view. Opinions have been more stable among other age groups.

Among college graduates and those with some college education, the percentage saying parents do not push their children hard enough has increased 11 percentage points since 2006, from 54% to 65% among those with a college degree and from 57% to 68% among those who attended but did not finish college. By comparison, views on this matter have not changed significantly among those with a high school education or less.

Democrats are also far more likely than they were five years ago to say parents do not put enough pressure on their children to achieve academic success; 69% offer this view now, compared with a narrower 55%-majority in 2006. Views are largely unchanged among Republicans and independents.

Compared with five years ago, however, worries have subsided somewhat in several countries, including Germany, France, Britain and Spain. The most dramatic drop has occurred among Jordan, where the percentage of Muslims concerned about Islamic extremism has declined by 22 percentage points since 2006.

Among Muslim publics, worries about Islamic extremism largely center on its violent nature. For example, among Muslims in Indonesia and Lebanon who are concerned about extremism, more than half say they are most troubled by the threat of violence. Pluralities in Turkey and Pakistan share this view. In the Palestinian territories and Egypt, the foremost concern among Muslims is that extremism will divide the country, while Jordanian Muslims worry most about the impact extremist agendas might have on personal freedoms.

As in the past, when asked about the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, small percentages of the Muslim publics surveyed believe these acts were carried out by Arabs. Only about one-in-five or fewer believe Arabs conducted the 9/11 attacks. However, Muslims in Lebanon and Israel are more willing to accept that groups of Arabs perpetrated the attacks, with just over a quarter in each country subscribing to this view. In several countries – Jordan, Egypt and Turkey – the percentage of Muslims believing that Arabs were responsible has actually declined since 2006.

Trends in Extremism Concern

Worries about Islamic extremism remain widespread in the U.S., Russia and Western Europe. At least seven-in-ten in Russia (76%), Germany (73%), Britain (70%) and the U.S. (70%) say they are very or somewhat concerned about extremism in their country; 68% of French and 61% of Spanish respondents express similar concern.

Compared with five years ago, fears about Islamic extremism have decreased somewhat in the Western European countries surveyed. This is especially the case in Germany, where about eight-in-ten (82%) were concerned about Islamic extremism in their country in 2006; 77% in Britain, 76% in France and 66% in Spain expressed concern five years ago.

In Israel, about three-quarters (77%) are concerned about Islamic extremism in their country, reflecting the views of Jews in that country. Fully 85% of Israeli Jews worry about Islamic extremism; in contrast, just 31% of Muslims in Israel express concerned, while 56% do not.

Among the Muslim publics surveyed, Palestinians are the most concerned about Islamic extremism (78%). Roughly three-quarters (73%) of Muslims in Lebanon share this concern, as do 64% of Muslims in Egypt, 63% in Pakistan, and a narrow 52%-majority in Turkey. In Lebanon, fears of Islamic extremism are even more prevalent among Christians; 88% of Lebanese Christians worry about Islamic extremism in their country.

In contrast, fewer than half of Muslims in Jordan and Indonesia are concerned about Islamic extremism. About four-in-ten (42%) Indonesian Muslims are at least somewhat concerned, while 51% are not concerned about Islamic extremism. Views are somewhat more mixed in Jordan, where 47% of Muslims worry about extremism and 52% do not. Concern about Islamic extremism has declined considerably in Jordan over the past five years; nearly seven-in-ten (69%) Muslims in that country expressed concern in 2006.

Fears of Violence

Among the Muslim publics surveyed, those who express concerns about Islamic extremism are primarily worried by the violent nature of extremist movements. In both Lebanon (56%) and Indonesia (55%), majorities of Muslims point to violence as their greatest concern when it comes to Islamic extremism. In Lebanon, pluralities of Christians (49%) and Sunnis (44%) name violence as their primary worry, while nearly seven-in-ten (69%) among the country’s Shia community say the same.

In Turkey and Pakistan, too, Muslims who are concerned about Islamic extremism tend to be most worried about the threat of violence. Roughly four-in-ten among concerned Muslims in Turkey (43%) point to violence as their leading concern about extremism; in Pakistan, 40% of those worried about extremism share this view.

In Egypt, somewhat more among Muslims who are concerned worry that extremism could divide the country (32%) than point to its violent nature (29%); a smaller percentage (25%) is concerned that extremism will lead to fewer freedoms and choices for individuals.

Violence is also not the leading concern in either the Palestinian territories or Jordan. In the former, Muslims worried about Islamic extremism are most exercised (39%) by the possibility that it could divide their country. In Jordan, the threat to personal freedoms is the principal worry (39%) among Muslims concerned about extremism.

Views About 9/11

When asked about the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, few among the Muslim publics surveyed believe these acts were carried out by groups of Arabs. The highest percentage who believe that Arabs were culpable for the 9/11 attacks is found in Lebanon, where 28% of Muslims believe this to be true, with roughly comparable numbers of Sunni (31%) and Shia (26%) agreeing on this point. A similar proportion of Israeli Muslims (27%) also say groups of Arabs conducted the attacks.

In the other predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, fewer than one-in-four Muslims accept that Arabs conducted the attacks on New York and Washington 10 years ago. Pakistanis and Turks are the most skeptical, with just 12% and 9%, respectively, saying that groups of Arabs carried out the 9/11 terrorist acts.

In several of the Muslim nations for which there are trends, skepticism has grown since 2006. Among Jordanians, the percentage of Muslims who believe Arabs were responsible for the terrorist acts has fallen 17 percentage points, compared with five years ago. Over the same period, the percentage of Muslims in Egypt who accept that groups of Arabs carried out the attacks has declined 11 points, while in Turkey it has shrunk by 7 percentage points. In the case of Indonesia and Pakistan, opinions on the matter have changed little since 2006.

Muslim and Western publics continue to see relations between them as generally bad, with both sides holding negative stereotypes of the other. Many in the West see Muslims as fanatical and violent, while few say Muslims are tolerant or respectful of women. Meanwhile, Muslims in the Middle East and Asia generally see Westerners as selfish, immoral and greedy – as well as violent and fanatical.

However, the latest Pew Global Attitudes survey finds somewhat of a thaw in the U.S. and Europe compared with five years ago. A greater percentage of Western publics now see relations between themselves and Muslims as generally good compared with 2006.

In contrast, Muslims in predominantly Muslim nations are as inclined to say relations are generally bad as they were five years ago. And, as in the past, Muslims express more unfavorable opinions about Christians than Americans or Europeans express about Muslims.

For the most part, Muslims and Westerners finger point about the causes of problems in their relations, and about which side holds the high ground on key issues. Muslims in the Middle East and elsewhere who say relations with the West are bad overwhelmingly blame the West. However, while Americans and Europeans tend to blame Muslims for bad relations, significant numbers believe Westerners are responsible.

One note of agreement between Westerners and Muslims is that both believe Muslim nations should be more economically prosperous than they are today. But they gauge the problem quite differently. Muslim publics have an aggrieved view of the West – they blame Western policies for their own lack of prosperity. Across the Muslim publics surveyed, a median of 53% say U.S. and Western policies are one of the top two reasons why Muslim nations are not wealthier.

In contrast, few Americans or Western Europeans think the economic challenges facing Muslim countries are a result of Western policies. And although Westerners have become less likely over the last five years to say Islamic fundamentalism is a chief cause of economic problems in Muslim nations, they remain much more likely than Muslims to hold this view.

Still, even on this issue there is some consensus. Both Muslims and Westerners believe corrupt governments and inadequate education in Muslim nations are at least partly responsible for the lack of prosperity. And perhaps reflecting the Arab Spring, in several Muslim and Western nations, people are more likely than they were five years ago to say the dearth of prosperity stems from a lack of democracy.

These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted March 21 to May 15.¹ The survey updates a number of trend questions from a 2006 Pew Global Attitudes poll that explored how Muslim and Western publics view one another. The current survey finds that five years later – and nearly 10 years after the attacks of September 11, 2001 – tensions remain high, although there are also some shared concerns.

For instance, both Muslims and Westerners are concerned about Islamic extremism. More than two-thirds in Russia, Germany, Britain, the U.S. and France are worried about Islamic extremists in their country. Fully 77% of Israelis also hold this view.

But extremism is considered a threat in predominantly Muslim nations as well. More than seven-in-ten Palestinian and Lebanese Muslims are worried about Islamic extremists in their countries, as are most Muslims in Egypt, Pakistan, and Turkey. For Muslims, the most common concern about extremism is that it is violent, although in both Egypt and the Palestinian territories the top fear is that extremism could divide the country.

How Muslims, Christians and Jews See Each Other

In four of the six largely Christian nations included in the study, most say they have a positive opinion of Muslims. The exceptions are Germany (45% favorable) and Spain (37%), although views toward Muslims have improved in both countries since 2006.

Also, solid majorities in Western countries have a favorable opinion of Jews. In Spain, 59% now hold this view, up 14 percentage points from 2006.

Muslim views toward Christians vary considerably across countries. In Lebanon, which has a large Christian population, nearly all Muslims (96%) express a positive view of Christians. Narrow majorities of Jordanian (57%) and Indonesian (52%) Muslims also give Christians a favorable rating, while in Egypt – which has recently experienced violence between elements of its Muslim and Christian communities – views are divided (48% favorable; 47% unfavorable).

Meanwhile, very few Muslims in Pakistan (16%) or Turkey (6%) have a positive opinion of Christians.

Ratings for Jews are uniformly low in the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed – in all seven of these nations, less than 10% have a positive opinion of Jews. Indeed, outside of Indonesia, less than 5% offer a positive opinion.

Among Israel’s minority Muslim community, however, views are divided: 48% express a positive opinion of Jews, while 49% offer a negative opinion. In contrast, only 9% of Israeli Jews have a positive view of Muslims. Christians receive somewhat higher ratings among Israeli Muslims (67% favorable) than among Israeli Jews (51%).

Characteristics and Stereotypes

Muslims associate a number of negative traits with Westerners. Across the Muslim publics surveyed, the median percentages saying people in Western countries such as the U.S. and Europe are selfish, violent, greedy, immoral, arrogant and fanatical exceed 50%. By contrast, the median percentages of those who say that Westerners are respectful of women, honest, tolerant or generous range below 50%.

Since 2006, Indonesian Muslims have become more likely to associate positive traits with Westerners, but in Pakistan attitudes have moved in the opposite direction – the percentage of Pakistani Muslims saying that Westerners are greedy, immoral, selfish and fanatical has increased by double-digits over the last five years.

Non-Muslims in Western Europe, the U.S. and Russia offer somewhat more positive assessments of Muslims than Muslims do of Westerners. Relatively few, for example, say Muslims are greedy or immoral. However, a median of 58% label Muslims as fanatical and a median of 50% believe Muslims are violent. And few think Muslims are respectful of women.

National vs. Religious Identity

Across the nations surveyed, Christians and Muslims differ in the degree to which religion defines their identity. Among most of the Muslim publics polled, Muslims tend to identify with their religion, rather than their nationality. This is particularly true in Pakistan, where 94% think of themselves primarily as Muslim instead of Pakistani.

Lebanon and the Palestinian territories are exceptions to this pattern, however – more Muslims in both countries identify first with their nationality rather than with their religion. And many Muslims refuse to choose between nation and religion, volunteering that they identify with both.

Throughout Europe, most Christians think of themselves primarily in terms of their national identity. Fully 90% of French Christians take this view. The clear exception is the U.S., where Christians are divided: 46% primarily identify as American and 46% as Christian. Seven-in-ten white evangelical Christians in the U.S. identify first with their religion.

Both of the major religious communities in Israel identify primarily with their religion. Nearly six-in-ten (57%) Jews identify first as Jews, while among the country’s Muslim community 77% think of themselves first as Muslims.

Opinions About September 11

Nearly a decade after September 11, 2001, skepticism about the events of that day persists among Muslim publics. When asked whether they think groups of Arabs carried out the 9/11 attacks on the U.S., most Muslims in the nations surveyed say they do not believe this.

There is no Muslim public in which even 30% accept that Arabs conducted the attacks. Indeed, Muslims in Jordan, Egypt, and Turkey are less likely to accept this today than in 2006.

Also of Note

• There is a widespread perception that Muslims living in the West do not want to assimilate.  Majorities in Europe and the U.S. think Muslims wish to remain distinct from the rest of society, instead of embracing the way of life in Western nations.  More than two-thirds in Germany and Spain believe Muslims do not want to adopt national customs.
• Among Muslim publics, many believe that Americans and Europeans are hostile toward Muslims.  In fact, in Turkey, Pakistan, Egypt, and Jordan, the belief that Americans and Europeans are hostile has become more common since 2006.
• In Western nations, those who believe some religions are more prone to violence than others tend to say Islam is the most violent faith (when asked to choose among Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Hinduism).  Muslim publics who think some religions are especially prone to violence tend to name Judaism.
• Concerns about Islamic extremism have declined significantly in Jordan over the last five years.  Currently, 47% of Jordanian Muslims are worried about extremism, down from 69% in a spring 2006 poll conducted just months after the November 2005 bombing of three Amman hotels.
• Lebanese Muslims are consistently the least likely to assign negative characteristics to Westerners – less than half think Westerners are selfish, violent, greedy, immoral, arrogant, or fanatical.
• There is an education gap on views about Muslim assimilation – in Western Europe and the U.S., those who do not have a college degree are more likely than those who do to believe that Muslims want to remain distinct from the broader society.