Publics around the world are decidedly unhappy about their nations’ economies. Most are displeased with current economic conditions and concerned about rising economic inequality; few are optimistic about the coming year. However, at the same time, most global publics say their personal finances are in better shape than their national economies, according to a new 39-nation survey.

But one of the most striking divides in global economic attitudes is that citizens of emerging market countries are overall more pleased with their economies than are people in advanced or developing economies.

In 2013, a median of 53% in emerging markets say their national economy is doing well, compared with 33% in developing countries and 24% in advanced economies. Attitudes are particularly grim in European countries, such as France (9% good), Spain (4%), Italy (3%) and Greece (1%). Publics in emerging markets such as China (88%) and Malaysia (85%) say their economy is doing especially well.

People in emerging markets also appear to have weathered the recent economic downturn more easily than others around the world. Attitudes in these countries have changed very little or even improved between 2007 and 2013. For example, today, 58% of Chileans say their economy is doing well, compared with 49% in 2007. Meanwhile, among countries surveyed in both 2007 and 2013, a median of 49% in the developing economies said the economy was doing well before the crisis, but just 25% say the same today. Similarly, positive ratings of the economy have declined by 20 percentage points in the advanced economies (44% in 2007 vs. 24% in 2013).¹

Despite unhappiness with the national economy in most countries, many around the world say they are doing well personally. Medians of roughly half or more in each type of economy say their personal finances are good. In the advanced and developing economies, the median percentage who are satisfied with their personal situation is much higher than ratings of the national economy. Among advanced economies, personal financial well-being is rated 34 percentage points higher than national conditions; in the developing countries, the gap is 14 points. And among both the developing and emerging economies, the publics are also optimistic about the future of their personal finances (medians of 53% and 52% say they will improve in the next year, respectively). Only 24% feel the same in the advanced economies.

Nonetheless, despite concerns about their personal economic outlook, people in advanced economies are much less likely than publics in either emerging or developing economies to report lacking the money to purchase food, health care or clothing for their family.

Economic inequality is a common concern for publics around the world. Most people agree that the economic system favors the wealthy. Majorities in most countries say the gap between the rich and the poor has increased in the past five years. This attitude is particularly prevalent among those who live in advanced economies. And at least half in most countries say the wealth gap is a very big problem in their nation, with the developing economies expressing especially high levels of anxiety.

Notwithstanding these concerns, nearly every public surveyed wants the government to focus on creating jobs or taming inflation as a top priority, rather than on reducing economic inequality.

These are among the key findings of a new survey by the Pew Research Center conducted in 39 countries among 37,653 respondents from March 2 to May 1, 2013.²

Gloomy Economic Context

Publics’ attitudes reflect their economic reality – and the global downturn that started after 2007 has had a profound impact on many countries’ economies. Annual growth rates have slowed over recent years in most nations surveyed. This slowdown has been particularly severe in the advanced economies, which had a median annual growth rate of 3.5% in 2007 but just 1.4% in 2012. Growth has also declined in the developing economies (median of 6.8% to 3.6%) and the emerging markets (median of 6.3% to 3.9%).

Despite a drop in growth rates for the advanced economies, this group of countries continues to be much wealthier than the emerging markets, even as the gap has closed somewhat. And the developing economies continue to be considerably poorer than the two other types of economies.

Dissatisfaction with the Economy

Majorities in 26 of the 39 countries surveyed think their economy is faring badly. Among the advanced economies, this includes roughly eight-in-ten or more in Greece (99%), Italy (96%), Spain (96%), France (91%), Britain (83%), the Czech Republic (80%) and South Korea (79%). In the developing economies, the Lebanese (90%), Tunisians (88%) and Pakistanis (81%) express comparable levels of dissatisfaction. Publics in the emerging markets, meanwhile, are less likely to say they are unhappy with their national economies – fewer than half in many of these countries say things are going poorly in their nation.

In many of the advanced and developing economies, economic satisfaction has declined precipitously over the course of the global downturn. Among the advanced economies with comparable data, the biggest declines in positive views of the economy since 2007 have been in Spain (-61 percentage points) and Britain
(-54 points). In the developing economies, attitudes among Pakistanis (-42 points) and Egyptians (-30) have soured the most. Many other countries in these two groups have experienced declines of at least 10 points or more.

In the emerging markets, meanwhile, only in Mexico (-13) have good reviews of the economy fallen by more than 10 points since 2007. Everywhere else, the change has either been minimal or the mood has improved.

The emerging markets also tend to be somewhat more optimistic about the coming year than others – a median of 48% say they expect national economic conditions to improve in the next 12 months, while only 17% say things will get worse. A median of roughly four-in-ten (43%) in developing economies also think things will get better, but 21% say they expect the economy to decline. The advanced economies are the most pessimistic – a median of just 25% say the economy is going to improve, while nearly a third (32%) think things will get worse in the coming year. The Greeks (64%) and French (61%) are the most pessimistic about the next 12 months.

The culprits for these widespread economic woes are both a lack of employment opportunities and rising prices. Creating jobs is clearly the top priority among the publics in advanced and developing economies (medians of 49% and 44%, respectively). However, people in emerging markets are more divided – a median of 33% name employment as the top priority while an equal percentage says the same about inflation.

Personal Finances Better than National Economy

Despite gloomy national conditions, many say their personal economic situation is good. This is one area where the emerging markets are not alone in their positive attitudes – a median of 57% among emerging market publics say things are going well personally, and a nearly equal percentage (58%) among the advanced economies feels good about their family finances. Publics in developing economies are somewhat less satisfied with their personal situation (47%).

Publics’ positive views of their personal situation have also changed little during the recession. Among the 20 countries surveyed in 2008, the first time the question was asked, and in 2013, satisfaction with personal finances declined by 10 percentage points or more in only five countries – Poland (-19 percentage points), Spain (-17 points), Mexico (-12 points), Pakistan (-11 points) and France (-10 points). Meanwhile, among some publics – especially in the emerging markets – positive reviews of their personal finances have gone up since 2008, including by 12 percentage points in Turkey, nine points in Indonesia, eight points in South Africa and six points in Argentina.

In addition, many are optimistic about their personal future. Medians of at least half in the developing economies (53%) and the emerging markets (52%) say they expect their own finances to improve over the next year. Publics in the advanced economies, however, are decidedly less optimistic about their personal outlook – a median of just 24% expect their own finances to get better in the next 12 months.

While people in advanced economies are most bearish about their economic situation, they report very low levels of deprivation relative to others around the world, including people in emerging nations who are more positive and optimistic about economic conditions.

Medians of roughly two-in-ten or fewer in advanced economies say they have been unable to afford the food, clothing or health care their families needed at some point in the past year. In the emerging markets and the developing economies, reports of deprivation are much higher. Among the emerging markets, medians of at least a quarter say they have had trouble getting basic necessities for their families. In the developing economies, roughly half or more in most countries report not being able to afford food, health care or clothing, especially in the African nations surveyed.

Reports of deprivation are closely related to national wealth. For example, in Australia, Canada and Germany – three of the richest countries surveyed in terms of 2012 GDP per capita – roughly one-in-ten or fewer have struggled in the past year to afford food. Meanwhile, in Uganda, Kenya and Senegal – among the poorest countries surveyed – half or more say food for their family has been hard to come by.

The United States is a clear outlier from this pattern. Despite being the richest country in the survey, nearly a quarter of Americans (24%) say they had trouble putting food on the table in the past 12 months. This reported level of deprivation is closer to that in Indonesia or Greece rather than Britain or Canada.

Inequality Seen as Rising

Even though inequality is not a top priority, it is a major concern for the publics surveyed. Clear majorities in most countries say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem for their nation. Concern is especially high in developing economies, where a median of 74% say they are very worried. Somewhat fewer – though still high percentages – say the same in the emerging markets (67%) and the advanced economies (53%).

In addition, broad majorities in 31 of the 39 countries surveyed say the income gap has increased over the past five years. Reports of a rise in income inequality are particularly high in the advanced economies, where a median of 80% say things have gotten worse, compared with medians of 70% in the developing economies and 59% in the emerging markets.

An uneven distribution of wealth in a country may be due to an imbalanced economic system. Roughly two-thirds or more in most countries say their economic system favors the wealthy. Only in Malaysia (56%), Venezuela (53%) and Australia (51%) do at least half say the economic system is fair to most people in their country.

People are also skeptical about the potential for the next generation to move up. Across the 39 countries surveyed, fewer than half in 25 countries believe their nation’s children will be better off financially than their parents. Despair over the future is particularly high in the advanced economies, where roughly four-in-ten or fewer say things will get better for young people. Among this group, South Korea is the sole exception – 56% think children will be better off.

The European Union is the new sick man of Europe. The effort over the past half century to create a more united Europe is now the principal casualty of the euro crisis. The European project now stands in disrepute across much of Europe.

Support for European economic integration – the 1957 raison d’etre for creating the European Economic Community, the European Union’s predecessor – is down over last year in five of the eight European Union countries surveyed by the Pew Research Center in 2013. Positive views of the European Union are at or near their low point in most EU nations, even among the young, the hope for the EU’s future. The favorability of the EU has fallen from a median of 60% in 2012 to 45% in 2013. And only in Germany does at least half the public back giving more power to Brussels to deal with the current economic crisis.

The sick man label – attributed originally to Russian Czar Nicholas I in his description of the Ottoman Empire in the mid-19th century – has more recently been applied at different times over the past decade and a half to Germany, Italy, Portugal, Greece and France. But this fascination with the crisis country of the moment has masked a broader phenomenon: the erosion of Europeans’ faith in the animating principles that have driven so much of what they have accomplished internally.

The prolonged economic crisis has created centrifugal forces that are pulling European public opinion apart, separating the French from the Germans and the Germans from everyone else. The southern nations of Spain, Italy and Greece are becoming ever more estranged as evidenced by their frustration with Brussels, Berlin and the perceived unfairness of the economic system.

These negative sentiments are driven, in part, by the public’s generally glum mood about economic conditions and could well turn around if the European economy picks up. But Europe’s economic fortunes have worsened in the past year, and prospects for a rapid turnaround remain elusive. The International Monetary Fund expects the European Union economy to not grow at all in 2013 and to still be performing below its pre-crisis average in 2018. Nevertheless, despite the vocal political debate about austerity, a clear majority in five of eight countries surveyed still think the best way to solve their country’s economic problems is to cut government spending, not spend more money.

These are among the key findings of a new study by the Pew Research Center conducted in eight European Union nations among 7,646 respondents from March 2 to March 27, 2013.

A Dyspeptic France

No European country is becoming more dispirited and disillusioned faster than France. In just the past year, the public mood has soured dramatically across the board. The French are negative about the economy, with 91% saying it is doing badly, up 10 percentage points since 2012. They are negative about their leadership: 67% think President Francois Hollande is doing a lousy job handling the challenges posed by the economic crisis, a criticism of the president that is 24 points worse than that of his predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy. The French are also beginning to doubt their commitment to the European project, with 77% believing European economic integration has made things worse for France, an increase of 14 points since last year. And 58% now have a bad impression of the European Union as an institution, up 18 points from 2012.

Even more dramatically, French attitudes have sharply diverged from German public opinion on a range of issues since the beginning of the euro crisis. Differences in opinion across the Rhine have long existed. But the French public mood is now looking less like that in Germany and more like that in the southern peripheral nations of Spain, Italy and Greece.

Positive assessment of the economy in France have fallen by more than half since before the crisis and is now comparable to that in the south. The French share similar worries about inflation and unemployment with the Spanish, the Italians and the Greeks at levels of concern not held by the Germans. Only the Greeks and Italians have less belief in the benefits of economic union than do the French. The French now have less faith in the European Union as an institution than do the Italians or the Spanish. And the French, like their southern European compatriots, have lost confidence in their elected leader.

Disillusionment with Elected Leaders

Compounding their doubts about the Brussels-based European Union, Europeans are losing faith in the capacity of their own national leaders to cope with the economy’s woes. In most countries surveyed, fewer people today than a year ago think their national executive is doing a good job dealing with the euro crisis. This includes just 25% of the public in Italy, where the sitting Prime Minister Mario Monti was voted out while this survey was being conducted. Even the Germans, who overwhelmingly back their Chancellor Angela Merkel, are slightly more judgmental of her handling of Europe’s economic challenges than they were last year. And Merkel faces the voters in an election in September 2013.

Nevertheless, Merkel remains the most popular leader in Europe, by a wide margin. She enjoys majority approval for her handling of the European economic crisis in five of the eight nations surveyed. But in Greece (88%) and Spain (57%), majorities now say she has done a bad job, as do half (50%) of those surveyed in Italy.

Economic Gloom

Most Europeans are profoundly concerned about the state of their economies. Just 1% of the Greeks, 3% of the Italians, 4% of the Spanish and 9% of the French think economic conditions are good. Only the Germans (75%) are pleased with their economy.

And the economic mood has worsened appreciably since before the euro crisis began. Positive sentiment is down 61 percentage points in Spain, 54 points in Britain, 22 points in Italy and 21 points in both the Czech Republic and France.

But despair about the economy may have bottomed out in some nations since 2012. Sentiment seems to have stabilized in the Czech Republic and Poland. And the mood can’t get much worse in Spain, Italy and Greece.

Most Europeans are almost as gloomy about the future. Just 11% of the French, 14% of the Greeks and Poles, and 15% of the Czechs think that their national economic situation will improve over the next 12 months.

A median of 78% in the eight countries surveyed say a lack of jobs is a very big problem in their country. And a median of 71% cite the public debt. Except in Germany, overwhelming majorities in many countries say unemployment, the public debt, rising prices and the gap between the rich and the poor are very important problems. Unemployment is the number one worry in seven of the eight countries. Inequality is the principle concern in Germany.

Apprehension about economic mobility and inequality is also widespread. Across the eight nations polled, a median of 66%, including 90% of the French, think children today will be worse off financially than their parents when they grow up. A median of 77% believe that the economic system generally favors the wealthy. This includes 95% of the Greeks, 89% of the Spanish and 86% of the Italians. A median of 60% think the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem; that sentiment is felt by 84% of the Greeks and 75% of both the Italians and the Spanish. And a median of 85% say such inequality has increased in the past five years, a concern particularly prevalent among the Spanish (90%).

Absolute economic deprivation has long been less of an issue in Europe than in some other countries, thanks to the relatively robust European social safety net. But in the wake of economic hard times, deprivation in France is on the rise, where roughly one-in-five say they could not afford food, health care or clothing at some point in the past year.

The Southern Challenge

The euro crisis has created a southern challenge for the European Union. Spain, Italy and Greece have suffered greatly during the economic downturn. And the public mood in these countries is extremely bleak in both absolute and relative terms.

More than seven-in-ten Spanish (79%) and Greeks (72%) say economic conditions are very bad. A majority of Italians (58%) say the same. This compares with a median of 28% for the rest of Europe. More than nine-in-ten in Greece (99%), Italy (97%) and Spain (94%) think the lack of employment opportunities is a very big problem (official unemployment in January 2013 was 27.2% in Greece and in March 2013 was 26.7% in Spain and 11.5% in Italy). Fully 94% of Greeks, 84% of Italians and 69% of Spanish complain that inflation also poses a very big challenge. This compares with a median of 58% elsewhere. And roughly seven-in-ten or more in all three countries fault their leader’s handing of the economic crisis.

Such economic gloom has fed disgruntlement with the European Union. In Greece, 78% now believe that economic integration has weakened the Greek economy, a sentiment about their economy shared by 75% of the Italians and 60% of the Spanish. As a result, nearly two-thirds (65%) of Greeks and about half (52%) of the Spanish have an unfavorable view of the EU. This compares with medians of 59% who question integration and 48% who take a critical view of the EU in the other five countries surveyed.

Concern about inequality is widespread throughout Europe, particularly in the south. A view that the economic system generally favors the wealthy is shared by 95% of the Greeks, 89% of the Spanish and 86% of the Italians. Such frustration exceeds the median of 72% in the other five nations surveyed. Similarly, 84% of the Greeks and 75% of the Italians and Spanish say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem. That compares with a median of just 54% of the Europeans surveyed outside the region who hold such critical views.

So What to Do about the Euro Crisis?

When asked which of the economic challenges facing their countries their government should address first, people in seven of the eight nations choose the lack of employment opportunities. A median of 57% first want their elected leaders to create more jobs. And employment is a particular priority in Spain (72%), Italy (64%) and the Czech Republic (64%).

Europeans are of two minds about public debt, which has been at the center of the debate over the euro crisis since it began. A majority in six of the eight countries surveyed consider debt a very big problem. When pressed to choose between reducing public expenditures and more spending, most publics choose the former, even in Spain (67%) and Italy (59%), despite the fact that people there have already experienced cutbacks in government spending, economic contraction and record high unemployment. Across Europe a median of 59% believe that reducing public debt is the best way to solve their country’s economic problems. But a median of only 17% think debt reduction should be their government’s number one economic priority.

Some Good News

Despite rising disillusionment with the European project, the euro, the common currency for 17 of the 27 European Union members, remains in public favor. More than six-in-ten people want to keep the euro as their currency in Greece (69%), Spain (67%), Germany (66%), Italy (64%) and France (63%). And support for the euro has actually increased in Italy and Spain since last year.

Moreover, notwithstanding the fact that only 26% of the British public think being a member of the European Union has been good for their economy and just 43% hold positive views of the European Union, the British, who will hold a referendum on continued EU membership in 2017, remain evenly divided on leaving the EU: 46% say stay and 46% say go.

Differences Abound

Overall, the 2013 survey highlights more starkly than ever the differences between the views of Germans and other Europeans on a range of issues. And it underscores that, in some cases, those differences are growing. Germans feel better than others about the economy (by 66 points over the EU median), about their personal finances (by 26 points), about the future (by 12 points), about the European Union (by 17 points), about European economic integration (by 28 points) and about their own elected leadership (by 48 points).

And the survey contradicts oft-repeated narratives about the Germans: that they are paranoid about inflation, disinclined to bail out their fellow Europeans and debt-obsessed. To the contrary, Germans are among the least likely of those surveyed to see inflation as a very big problem and the most likely among the richer European nations to be willing to provide financial assistance to other European Union countries that have major financial problems. And while Germans are worried about public debt, they are more concerned about inequality and equally concerned about unemployment.

The prominent role Germans have played in Europe’s response to the euro crisis has evoked decidedly mixed emotions from their fellow Europeans. In every country except Greece, people consider Germans the most trustworthy. At the same time, in six of the eight nations surveyed, people see the Germans as the least compassionate. And in five of the eight, they are considered the most arrogant. In the wake of the strict austerity measures imposed in Greece, Greek enmity toward the Germans knows little bound. Greeks consider the Germans to be the least trustworthy, the most arrogant and the least compassionate. But the Greeks themselves do not fare that well. They are considered the least trustworthy by the French, the Germans and the Czechs.

Over time, support for bin Laden has dropped sharply among Muslim publics. Since 2003, the percentage of Muslims voicing confidence in him has declined by 38 points in the Palestinian territories and 33 points in Indonesia. The greatest decline has occurred in Jordan, where 56% of Muslims had confidence in bin Laden in 2003, compared with just 13% in the current poll. Jordanian support for bin Laden fell dramatically (to 24% from 61% the year before) in 2006, following suicide attacks in Amman by al Qaeda. In Pakistan, where 2011 data is still not available, confidence in bin Laden fell from 52% in 2005 to just 18% in last year’s survey.

Al Qaeda also received largely negative ratings among Muslim publics in the 2011 survey. Only 2% of Muslims in Lebanon and 5% in Turkey expressed favorable views of al Qaeda. In Jordan, 15% had a positive opinion of al Qaeda, while about one-in-five in Indonesia (22%) and Egypt (21%) shared this view. Palestinian Muslims offered somewhat more positive opinions (28% favorable), but about two-thirds (68%) viewed bin Laden’s organization unfavorably.

Ratings of al Qaeda are, for the most part, unchanged, except in Jordan, where al Qaeda’s favorable rating fell from 34% in 2010 to 15% currently.

As was the case with views of bin Laden, Nigerian Muslims typically offer more positive views of al Qaeda than any other Muslim public surveyed.

Meanwhile, other forms of technology are also increasingly popular across the globe.  Cell phone ownership and computer usage have grown significantly over the last three years, and they have risen dramatically since 2002.

While social networking has spread globally, it is particularly widespread in the country where it began.  Among the 22 publics surveyed, Americans most often say they use websites like Facebook and MySpace: 46% use such sites; 36% use the internet, but do not access these sites; and 18% say they never go online.

The survey finds three countries close behind the United States in social network usage: in Poland (43%), Britain (43%) and South Korea (40%), at least four-in-ten adults say they use such sites.  And at least a third engage in social networking in France (36%), Spain (34%), Russia (33%) and Brazil (33%).¹

Germans and the Japanese stand out among highly connected publics for their comparatively low levels of participation in social networking.  While 31% of Germans use these types of sites, 49% go online at least occasionally but choose not to use them.  In Japan, 24% are engaged in social networking, while 44% have internet access but are not engaged.

The survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted April 7 to May 8, also finds that, while involvement in social networking is relatively low in many less economically developed nations, this is largely due to the fact that many in those countries do not go online at all, rather than disinterest in social networking in particular.  When people use the internet in middle and low income countries, they tend to participate in social networking.

For example, in both Russia and Brazil, most respondents do not go online; among those who do use the internet, however, social networking is very popular.  In both nations, 33% say they use social networking sites, while only 10% have internet access but are not involved in social networking.

The same general pattern holds true in the two African nations surveyed – in Kenya and Nigeria, when people have the opportunity to go online, they tend to use social networking sites.  Roughly one-in-five Kenyans (19%) participate in social networking, while just 5% use the internet but do not participate.  Similarly, 17% of Nigerians go to these sites, while only 7% go online but do not access such sites.

Among the 22 countries polled, social networking is least prevalent in Indonesia (6%) and Pakistan (3%).  In both nations, more than 90% of the population does not use the internet.

Demographic Differences in Social Networking

In every nation surveyed, there is a notable age gap on this issue. Social networking is especially popular among people younger than age 30 – in 12 of the countries polled, a majority of this age group uses these types of sites.  There are only three countries – Britain, Poland and the U.S. – in which most 30 to 49 year-olds are involved in social networking.  And there is no country in which even one-quarter of those age 50 and older are involved.

In 10 countries, a gap of at least 50 percentage points separates the percentage of 18 to 29 year-olds who use social networking sites and the percentage of those age 50 and older who do so.

The age gap is perhaps most striking in Germany, where 86% of people under age 30 take part in social networking, compared with 36% of 30-49 year-olds and just 8% of those 50 and older.

While it is true that the young are more likely to go online, these age gaps are not driven solely by internet usage.  Even among internet users, young people are more likely to participate in social networking.

There are relatively few gender gaps across the countries surveyed.  For the most part, men and women tend to engage in social networking at roughly the same rates.

However, there are a few exceptions, including Turkey, where about one-third of men (34%) use social networking, compared with only 19% of women.  Similarly, in Japan 30% of men report that they are involved in social networking, while just 19% of women say the same.

The U.S. is the only country in which women are significantly more likely than men to use social networking.  While 52% of American women engage in social networking, just 41% of men do so.  This gap is not driven by a difference in access – similar percentages of women (18%) and men (17%) say they do not access the internet.

Technology Trends

More people around the world are using computers and cell phones than was the case just three years ago, and the increase is especially dramatic compared with 2002.  Internet usage has also become more widespread in recent years, and more now say they send or receive email at least occasionally.

Looking across the 16 countries for which trends are available, the median percentage of people who own a cell phone has increased by 36 percentage points since 2002.  The current median is 81%, compared with 45% earlier in the decade.  In 2007, the median percentage owning cell phones across these 16 countries was 70%.

The increase in cell phone ownership has been especially dramatic in Russia.  About eight-in-ten Russians (82%) now say they own a cell phone, compared with just 8% in 2002; in 2007, about two-thirds (65%) had a cell phone.  In Kenya, cell phone ownership has increased sevenfold, from 9% in 2002 to 65% in 2010, and far more also own cell phones in Jordan (up by 59 percentage points), Argentina (49 points), China (40 points) and Indonesia (38 points) than did so in 2002.

Computer usage has also increased considerably, although at a slower pace than cell phone ownership.  Currently, across the 16 countries where trends are available the median percentage of computer users is 50%; in 2007, the median was 39% and, in 2002, a median of 32% said they used a computer at least occasionally.

In Russia, where just about one-in-five (19%) said they used a computer at least occasionally in 2002 and 36% said that was the case in 2007, nearly half (47%) now use a computer.  Four other countries have also seen a double-digit increase in computer usage compared with just three years ago.  That is the case in Argentina (from 35% in 2007 to 50% in 2010), Turkey (from 29% to 42%), China (from 40% to 50%), and Kenya (from 12% to 22%).

As people have gained more access to computers and cell phones, internet and email usage have also increased.  A median of 45% across the 18 countries for which 2007 trends are available now say they use the internet at least occasionally; three years ago, when the Pew Global Attitudes Project first asked this question, a median of 35% said that was the case.  The median percentage that sends or receives email at least occasionally has also risen, although not as steeply, from 29% in 2007 to 34% in 2010.

As is the case with cell phone ownership and computer usage, internet usage has become especially more widespread in Russia.  More than four-in-ten Russians (44%) now say they use the internet at least occasionally, compared with just a quarter in 2007.  In three of the four Western European countries surveyed – Spain, Britain and Germany – where a majority already said they used the internet three years ago, the percentage saying that is the case has increased by double digits.  For example, about two-thirds (68%) in Spain now say they use the internet; a much narrower majority (54%) said that was the case in 2007.

In six of the 18 countries for which trends are available, the percentage saying they send or receive email at least occasionally has increased by 10 percentage points or more since 2007.  In Poland, about half (51%) now say they use email, compared with just about a third (34%) three years ago, and, in Russia, twice as many say they communicate via email as said so in 2007 (33% vs. 16%).  Double-digit shifts are also evident in Spain (up 13 percentage points), Argentina (13 points), Britain (10 points) and Turkey (10 points).

While access to computers, cell phones, the internet and email has become more widespread across much of the world, fewer in Lebanon now say they use this type of technology than did so in 2007.  The declines in reported computer and email usage among Lebanese respondents are especially notable.  Just over half (52%) now say they use computers, compared with 61% in 2007; and while just about a third (35%) say they send or receive email at least occasionally, 56% said that was the case three years ago.

Young, Educated More Connected

Across the world, the adoption of these technologies is consistently more common among the young and the well-educated.  Specifically, people younger than age 30 and those with a college education are especially likely to say they use the internet and own a cell phone.  Significant differences across age and educational groups also characterize computer and email usage.

For example, while nine-in-ten Poles ages 18 to 29 utilize the internet at least occasionally, only a quarter of those 50 and older say the same.  In China, more than eight-in-ten (83%) of those ages 18 to 29 say they use the internet, compared with only 16% of those 50 and older.

The same pattern holds for cell phone ownership.  For instance, nearly all Poles under age 50 own a cell phone (96% of those ages 18 to 29 and 94% of those ages 30 to 49), but only a slim majority (53%) of those ages 50 and older say they have a mobile phone.  Similar gaps of more than 30 percentage points between the young and old appear in Lebanon, Mexico, Brazil, India and Indonesia.

Age gaps in internet usage and cell phone ownership exist in nearly all of the 22 countries polled, regardless of a country’s level of economic development or technological advancement.

The education gap in internet usage and cell phone ownership is just as striking.  In Jordan, nearly nine-in-ten (88%) of those who have attended college use the internet, while only one-in-five of those who did not attend college say the same.  Education gaps of more than 50 percentage points are also found in Egypt, Kenya, Brazil, Turkey and Mexico.

Similarly, the college educated are consistently more likely than those with less education to say they own a cell phone.  This is especially true in Pakistan, where 77% of people with at least some college education have a cell phone, compared with 35% of those without a college education.  In Mexico, 86% of those who have attended college own a cell phone, while just 45% of those who have not attended college own one.

Limited Gender Gaps

There are limited gender differences in use of technology such as computers, cell phones, and the internet.  For instance, double-digit gaps in internet usage exist in only six of the 22 nations surveyed, with men consistently more likely than women to say they use the internet.  About seven-in-ten (72%) Japanese men use the internet, but only 57% of women say the same.  And in India, while overall internet usage is low, men are twice as likely as women to say they use the internet (22% vs. 11%).  Double-digit differences also appear in Turkey, Germany, Nigeria and Kenya.

However, in most of the countries surveyed, there are no substantial gender differences in internet usage.  This holds true in countries with high technology usage, such as the United States and France, as well as in countries with less internet usage, such as China and Jordan.

There are also limited gender differences in cell phone ownership.  In all, double-digit gender gaps for cell phone ownership exist in only five of the 22 nations polled.  The largest gap is in Pakistan, where a majority of men (52%) own a cell phone, compared with about a quarter of women (23%).

Hezbollah receives its most positive ratings in Jordan, where 55% of Muslims have a favorable view; a slim majority (52%) of Lebanese Muslims also support the group, which operates politically and militarily in their country.

But Muslim views of Hezbollah reflect a deep sectarian divide in Lebanon, where the group’s leader, Hassan Nasrallah, is threatening violence if a United Nations tribunal indicts Hezbollah members for the 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. More than nine-in-ten (94%) Lebanese Shia support the organization, while an overwhelming majority (84%) of Sunnis in that country express unfavorable views.

In neighboring Egypt and Turkey, attitudes toward Hezbollah are generally negative. Just 30% of Muslims in Egypt, and even fewer (5%) in Turkey, offer favorable views of the Lebanon-based organization. Outside of Turkey and the Middle East, many

Muslims cannot rate Hezbollah, but views are on balance positive among those who do offer an opinion of the group in Nigeria and Indonesia.

The survey, conducted April 12 to May 7 by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, finds that the Palestinian organization Hamas, which, like Hezbollah, has been classified as a terrorist organization by the U.S. and other Western governments, also receives mixed ratings across the Muslim publics surveyed. Jordanian Muslims express the most support – 60% have a favorable view of Hamas – while Muslims in Turkey offer the least positive ratings (9% favorable and 67% unfavorable). Opinions of Hamas are nearly evenly split in Egypt and Lebanon.

In most countries, views of Hamas and Hezbollah have changed little, if at all, since 2009. In Indonesia, however, more Muslims express favorable views of both groups now than did so last year; 39% now have positive views of Hamas, compared with 32% last year, and 43% have favorable opinions of Hezbollah, compared with 29% in 2009. And among Nigerian Muslims, favorable views of both Hamas and Hezbollah are now less common than they were in 2009 (49% vs. 58% and 45% vs. 59%, respectively).

While views of Hamas and Hezbollah are mixed, al Qaeda – as well as its leader, Osama bin Laden – receives overwhelmingly negative ratings in nearly all countries where the question was asked. More than nine-in-ten (94%) Muslims in Lebanon express negative opinions of al Qaeda, as do majorities of Muslims in Turkey (74%), Egypt (72%), Jordan (62%) and Indonesia (56%). Only in Nigeria do Muslims express positive views of al Qaeda; 49% have a favorable view and just 34% have an unfavorable view of bin Laden’s organization. (Findings regarding opinions of al Qaeda and bin Laden were previously released in “Obama More Popular Abroad Than at Home, Global Image of U.S. Continues to Benefit,” June 17, 2010.)

The survey also finds that Muslim publics overwhelmingly welcome Islamic influence over their countries’ politics. In Egypt, Pakistan and Jordan, majorities of Muslims who say Islam is playing a large role in politics see this as a good thing, while majorities of those who say Islam is playing only a small role say this is bad for their country. Views of Islamic influence over politics are also positive in Nigeria, Indonesia, and Lebanon.

Turkish Muslims express more mixed views of the role Islam is playing in their country’s political life. Of the 69% who say the religion plays a large role, 45% see it as good and 38% see it as bad for their country. Among the minority of Muslims who say Islam plays a small role in politics, 26% consider this to be good for Turkey and 33% say it is bad.

When asked for their views about democracy, majorities in most of the Muslim communities surveyed say that democracy is preferable to any other kind of government. This view is especially widespread in Lebanon and in Turkey, where at least three-quarters of Muslims (81% and 76%, respectively) express a preference for democratic governance. Support for democracy is less common in Pakistan, but a plurality (42%) of Muslims in that country prefer democracy to other types of government; 15% of Pakistani Muslims say that, in some circumstances, a non-democratic government can be preferable, and 21% say that, for someone like them, the kind of government their country has does not matter.

Also of Note:

• Many Muslims see a struggle between those who want to modernize their country and Islamic fundamentalists. Only in Jordan and Egypt do majorities say there is no such struggle in their countries (72% and 61%, respectively).
• At least three-quarters of Muslims in Egypt and Pakistan say they would favor making each of the following the law in their countries: stoning people who commit adultery, whippings and cutting off of hands for crimes like theft and robbery and the death penalty for those who leave the Muslim religion. Majorities of Muslims in Jordan and Nigeria also favor these harsh punishments.
• Eight-in-ten Muslims in Pakistan say suicide bombing and other acts of violence against civilian targets in order to defend Islam from its enemies are never justified; majorities in Turkey (77%), Indonesia (69%) and Jordan (54%) share this view. Support for suicide bombing has declined considerably over the years. For example, while 74% of Muslims in Lebanon said these violent acts were at least sometimes justified in 2002, just 39% say that is the case now; double-digit declines have also occurred in Jordan, Pakistan, Nigeria and Indonesia.

Views of Hezbollah

Muslim publics offer a mixed view of Hezbollah. The Shia organization, which has political and military operations in Lebanon, receives favorable ratings from 55% of Jordanian Muslims and from an even narrower majority (52%) of Muslims in Lebanon. Not surprisingly, Lebanese Shia are particularly supportive of Hezbollah – 94% have a favorable view, compared with 12% of Sunni Muslims and 20% of Christians in Lebanon.

In Egypt, views of Hezbollah are overwhelmingly negative; just three-in-ten Muslims in that country have a favorable opinion of the group, while 66% have an unfavorable opinion. Egyptian Muslims have become increasingly critical of Hezbollah in recent years. In 2007 and 2008, majorities said they had a positive view of Hezbollah (56% and 54%, respectively); in 2009, 43% of Muslims in Egypt said that was the case.

Outside of the Middle East, many cannot rate Hezbollah. About seven-in-ten Muslims in Pakistan (69%) as well as nearly three-in-ten Muslims in Nigeria (28%) and Indonesia (27%) and 21% in Turkey do not offer an opinion. In Nigeria and Indonesia, Muslim views of Hezbollah are, on balance, positive; more than four-in-ten Muslims in each country express favorable views (45% and 43%, respectively), while about a quarter in Nigeria (26%) and 30% in Indonesia have unfavorable opinions of the organization.

Views of Hezbollah have become more favorable among Indonesian Muslims compared with last year, when 29% expressed positive opinions; among Nigerian Muslims, opinions are now less favorable than they were in 2009, when nearly six-in-ten (59%) had positive views of the Lebanese-based group.

In Turkey, Muslims offer overwhelmingly negative opinions of Hezbollah, as has been the case the three previous years when this question was asked. About three-quarters (74%) of Turkish Muslims have an unfavorable view of the extremist group, while just 5% see it favorably, virtually unchanged from last year.

Views of Hamas

Of the Muslim publics surveyed, Jordanians express the most positive views of the extremist group Hamas. Six-in-ten Muslims in Jordan have a favorable opinion of the

militant Palestinian organization, while just 34% have an unfavorable view. In contrast, Muslims in the other Middle Eastern countries polled are nearly evenly divided in their views of Hamas: 49% of Muslims in Egypt and Lebanon have a favorable opinion and 48% in each country have an unfavorable view of the group.

In Lebanon, Muslim views of Hamas reflect a sharp sectarian divide. About nine-in-ten Lebanese Shia (92%) express favorable views of the Palestinian group, although its membership is predominantly Sunni. Among Sunnis in Lebanon, however, an overwhelming majority rejects Hamas; 86% have an unfavorable view and just 9% have a favorable opinion of the organization. Christians in that country share the views of Sunni Muslims; 87% have a negative view of Hamas, while one-in-ten have a positive view.

As with views of Hezbollah, many outside of the Middle East cannot rate Hamas. Nearly seven-in-ten Pakistani Muslims (69%) and about a quarter of Muslims in Indonesia (27%), Nigeria (26%) and Turkey (24%) do not offer an opinion of the Palestinian group. In Nigeria, the balance of opinion is positive; twice as many Muslims in that country have a favorable view of Hamas (49%) as have an unfavorable view (25%). Yet, favorable ratings of Hamas have declined since 2009, when about six-in-ten (59%) Nigerian Muslims expressed positive opinions.

Nigerian Christians offer far more negative ratings of Hamas than do Muslims in that country; just one-in-ten have a favorable opinion and four-in-ten have an unfavorable opinion of the Islamic group. Half of Christians in Nigeria do not offer an opinion of Hamas.

In Turkey, opinions of Hamas are decidedly negative, with just 9% of Muslims expressing favorable views and two-thirds giving the militant organization an unfavorable rating. Opinions of Hamas are more mixed in Indonesia and Pakistan.

For the most part, views of Hamas vary little, if at all, across demographic groups. Yet, in Egypt, the Palestinian group receives more support from older and less educated Muslims. More than half (55%) of Egyptian Muslims ages 50 and older have a favorable view of Hamas, compared with 48% of those ages 30 to 49 and 45% of those younger than 30. And while 54% of those with a primary education or less express positive opinions, 48% of those with at least some secondary education and even fewer (40%) of those with some college education do so.

Views of al Qaeda and bin Laden

Opinions of al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden remain largely negative among the Muslim publics surveyed. Majorities of Muslims in five of the seven countries express unfavorable views of the extremist group and say they have little or no confidence in its leader.

Lebanese Muslims are, by far, the most critical of al Qaeda and bin Laden. Only 3% have a positive opinion of the organization, while 94% have a negative opinion. Virtually no Lebanese Muslims express confidence in bin Laden; 98% say they have little or no confidence in al Qaeda’s leader. Similarly, just 4% of Muslims in Turkey have a favorable opinion of al Qaeda and 3% express at least some confidence in bin Laden, while 74% offer negative views of both.

In Egypt, about one-in-five Muslims offer positive opinions of bin Laden (19%) and his organization (20%), while more than seven-in-ten express negative views of each (73% and 72%, respectively). Among Muslims in Indonesia, about a quarter have a favorable view of al Qaeda (23%) and express at least some confidence in bin Laden (25%).

Muslims in Jordan offer more positive views of the organization (34% favorable) than of its leader (14% have at least some confidence in bin Laden), although opinions of both are overwhelmingly negative. In 2009, about three-in-ten (28%) Jordanian Muslims had confidence in al Qaeda’s leader.

Pakistani Muslims also have negative views of bin Laden; just 18% express at least some confidence in him, while 45% say they have little or no confidence in the al Qaeda leader. Nearly four-in-ten (37%) do not offer an opinion.

Nigerian Muslims stand apart as the only Muslim public surveyed where views of al Qaeda and bin Laden are, on balance, positive. About half of Muslims in Nigeria express favorable views of the extremist group (49%) and say they have at least some confidence in its leader (48%), while just 34% offer negative opinions of al Qaeda and 40% express little or no confidence in bin Laden.

Views of Osama bin Laden have become increasingly negative in recent years. The change has been especially dramatic in Jordan, where the number of Muslims saying they have at least some confidence in bin Laden has dropped 42 percentage points, from 56% in 2003; double-digit drops are also evident among Muslims in Indonesia (34 percentage points), Pakistan (28 points), Lebanon (19 points) and Turkey
(12 points).

Islam’s Role in Political Life

Majorities of Muslims in three of the six predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, as well as in Nigeria, say that Islam plays a very or fairly large role in the political life of their countries. This view is especially prevalent in Indonesia and Nigeria, where nearly nine-in-ten Muslims (89% and 88%, respectively) say Islam exerts considerable influence in their country’s politics; 69% of Turkish Muslims and 54% of Lebanese Muslims also see Islam playing a large role in the political life of their countries.

In Pakistan, a 46% plurality of Muslims say Islam plays a large role, while 36% say it plays a small role in Pakistani politics. Opinions are about evenly divided in Egypt, where 48% of Muslims say Islam plays a large role in their country’s political life and 49% say it plays only a small role.

Jordan is the only country surveyed where a majority of Muslims say Islam plays a small role in their country’s politics; 64% of Jordanian Muslims say that is the case, while just about a third (34%) sees substantial Islamic influence in political life.

Pakistani Muslims are less likely than they were five years ago to say that Islam plays a large role in their country’s political life; in 2005, more than six-in-ten (63%) saw Islam as having considerable influence. Muslims in Jordan and Lebanon are much less likely than they were in 2002, when the Pew Global Attitudes Project first asked this question, to say Islam is playing a large role in their countries’ politics; nearly two-thirds of Muslims in Lebanon (65%) and 53% in Jordan believed that was the case in 2002. Yet, in Jordan, the percentage of Muslims who say Islam plays a large role in politics has increased somewhat since 2005, when 27% shared that view.

In Turkey, the view that Islam plays a major role in politics has become somewhat more common since 2005, and is now much more common than was the case in 2002. While nearly seven-in-ten currently say Islam exerts considerable influence, Turkish Muslims were basically divided eight years ago: 45% said Islam played a large role and 44% said it played a small role in their country’s politics.

Most Welcome Islam’s Influence

Muslims in Nigeria and in nearly all of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed overwhelmingly welcome Islamic influence over their countries’ politics.

In Indonesia, about nine-in-ten Muslims (91%) either say that their religion plays a large role in politics and that this is a good thing or that Islam plays a small role and that this is a bad thing. Similarly, at least three-quarters of Muslims in Egypt (85%), Nigeria (82%) and Jordan (76%) consider Islamic influence over political life to be a positive thing for their country, as do 69% of Muslims in Pakistan and 58% in Lebanon.

Only in Turkey are opinions about the role of Islam in political life more mixed. About four-in-ten (38%) Turkish Muslims say Islam plays a large role and embrace its influence in their country’s politics or say it is bad that Islam plays only a small role; about three-in-ten (31%) say Islam’s influence is negative.

Religious and Sectarian Divides on Views of Islam’s Role

Lebanese Christians are far more likely than Muslims in that country to say Islam plays a large role in politics in Lebanon. Two-thirds of Christians see substantial Islamic influence, compared with 55% of Sunni and 52% of Shia Muslims in Lebanon.

In Nigeria, however, Christians are less likely than Muslims to say Islam plays a large role in the political life of their country. While nearly nine-in-ten Nigerian Muslims (88%) believe Islam exerts considerable influence, about six-in-ten (62%) Nigerian Christians share this opinion.

In both Lebanon and Nigeria, Christians express much more negative views than Muslims about the role of Islam in their countries’ politics. About a third (35%) of Nigerian Christians welcome Islamic influence, while 46% see it as a negative thing for their country; Nigerian Muslims overwhelmingly embrace the influence of their religion in political life.

Close to six-in-ten (57%) Lebanese Christians either say that Islam plays a large role and see this as a bad thing or say Islam plays a small role and see this as a good thing for their country; about the same percentage (58%) of Muslims in that country embrace Islamic influence in politics.

Shia Muslims in Lebanon express more negative views about Islam’s influence in politics than do Sunnis, although majorities in both groups welcome the religion’s influence over their country’s political life. About six-in-ten (61%) Sunnis and 54% of Shia either say it is good for Islam to play a large role or that it is bad for Islam to play a small role in Lebanon’s political life. Yet, far more Lebanese Shia than Sunnis describe Islam’s role in a negative way (45% and 21%, respectively).

Modernizers vs. Fundamentalists

Many Muslims see a struggle between groups that want to modernize their countries and Islamic fundamentalists, and in five of the seven countries where the question was asked, more of those who see a struggle identify with the modernizers than with fundamentalists.

More than half in Lebanon (53%) and Turkey (52%) see a struggle in their country between modernizers and fundamentalists. Opinions are more mixed in Indonesia and Nigeria. About four-in-ten (42%) Nigerian Muslims say there is a struggle in their country, while 46% say there is not; in Indonesia, Muslims are equally divided, with 42% saying there is a struggle between those who want to modernize their country and Islamic fundamentalists and the same number saying they do not see a struggle.

A considerable number of Pakistani Muslims (44%) also say there is currently a struggle between modernizers and fundamentalists in their country, but the same percentage of Muslims in Pakistan do not offer an opinion on the matter; just 12% see no struggle.

Only in Jordan and Egypt do majorities of Muslims say there is no struggle between modernizers and Islamic fundamentalists in their countries. About seven-in-ten (72%) Jordanian Muslims and 61% of Egyptian Muslims offer this opinion; just 20% and 31%, respectively, see a struggle in their countries. In both of these countries, however, Muslims are now more likely than they were in 2009 to say there is a struggle; a year ago, 14% of Muslims in Jordan and 22% in Egypt saw a struggle in their countries.

Among Muslims who see a struggle between modernizers and Islamic fundamentalists, majorities in Lebanon (84%), Turkey (74%), Pakistan (61%) and Indonesia (54%) side with those who want to modernize their countries; a plurality of Jordanian Muslims who say there is a struggle in their country also side with the modernizers (48%). In Egypt and Nigeria, however, most Muslims who see a struggle in their countries say they identify with Islamic fundamentalists (59% and 58%, respectively).

Views of Gender Segregation

Muslim publics offer mixed views of gender segregation in the workplace. Pakistani Muslims are the most supportive: 85% say they would favor making segregation of men and women in the workplace the law in their country. A narrower majority (54%) of Muslims in Egypt also support making gender segregation the law in their country.

Opinions are more divided in Jordan and Nigeria. Half of Jordanian Muslims favor gender segregation and 44% oppose it. Among Nigerian Muslims, nearly the same percentage favor making segregation of men and women in the workplace the law in their country (49%) as oppose it (48%).

In Lebanon, Turkey and Indonesia, majorities of Muslims reject legalized gender segregation in the workplace. More than eight-in-ten in Lebanon (89%) and Turkey (84%) express this opinion, as do 59% of Muslims in Indonesia.

In most of the countries where this question was asked, men and women express similar views of gender segregation in the workplace. In Nigeria, however, Muslim men are considerably more likely than Muslim women to say gender segregation should be the law; 57% of Muslim men in Nigeria favor gender segregation, compared with 41% of Muslim women in that country. And in Jordan, Muslim women are especially supportive of segregation of men and women in the workplace; 54% favor it and 42% oppose it, while Muslim men in that country are nearly evenly divided (47% favor gender segregation and 46% oppose it).

Support for Severe Laws

Views of harsh punishments also vary across the Muslim publics polled. Majorities of Muslims in Egypt, Jordan, Pakistan and Nigeria say they would favor making harsh punishments such as stoning people who commit adultery; whippings and cutting off of hands for crimes like theft and robbery; and the death penalty for those who leave the Muslim religion the law in their country. In the other predominantly Muslim countries surveyed – Turkey, Lebanon and Indonesia – most Muslims oppose these measures.

About eight-in-ten Muslims in Egypt and Pakistan (82% each) endorse the stoning of people who commit adultery; 70% of Muslims in Jordan and 56% of Nigerian Muslims share this view. Muslims in Pakistan and Egypt are also the most supportive of whippings and cutting off of hands for crimes like theft and robbery; 82% in Pakistan and 77% in Egypt favor making this type of punishment the law in their countries, as do 65% of Muslims in Nigeria and 58% in Jordan.

When asked about the death penalty for those who leave the Muslim religion, at least three-quarters of Muslims in Jordan (86%), Egypt (84%) and Pakistan (76%) say they would favor making it the law; in Nigeria, 51% of Muslims favor and 46% oppose it. In contrast, Muslims in Lebanon, Turkey and Indonesia largely reject the notion that harsh punishments should be the law in their countries. About three-quarters of Turkish and Lebanese Muslims oppose the stoning of people who commit adultery (77% and 76%, respectively), as does a narrower majority (55%) of Muslims in Indonesia.

Opposition to whippings and cutting off of hands for crimes like theft and robbery and to the death penalty for people who leave Islam is even more widespread in these three countries; 86% of Muslims in Lebanon, 82% in Turkey and 61% in Indonesia are against making harsh punishments for robbery and theft the law in their countries, and 93%, 91% and 64%, respectively, object to the death penalty against those who leave the Muslim religion.

For the most part, views of strict punishments do not vary consistently across demographic groups in seven countries where these questions were asked. One notable exception, however, is in Nigeria, where Muslim men express considerably more support than Muslim women for these types of punishments.

More than six-in-ten (63%) Muslim men in Nigeria favor the stoning of people who commit adultery, while 36% oppose it; Muslim women in that country are evenly divided, with 49% saying they favor and the same number saying they oppose the stoning of adulterers.

When it comes to the death penalty for those who leave Islam, Muslim men in Nigeria are clearly supportive (58% favor and 39% oppose), while a majority of their female counterparts (54%) are against the death penalty for those who leave the Muslim religion; 44% of Muslim women in Nigeria favor it. Finally, while majorities of Muslim men and women in Nigeria favor punishments like whippings and cutting off of hands for crimes like theft and robbery, men are somewhat more likely than women to say they favor these strict measures (69% of men vs. 61% of women).

Support for Democracy

In nearly all of the countries surveyed, support for harsh punishments such as stoning people who commit adultery, whippings and cutting off of hands for crimes like theft and robbery and the death penalty for those who leave the Muslim religion coexists with support for democratic governance. With the exception of Pakistan, majorities of Muslims in all of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed and in Nigeria say that democracy is preferable to any other kind of government.

Support for democracy is particularly widespread in Lebanon, where about eight-in-ten Muslims (81%) prefer it to any other form of government; 76% of Muslims in Turkey, 69% in Jordan and nearly two-thirds in Nigeria (66%) and Indonesia (65%) also favor democratic government more than any other. A somewhat narrower majority of Muslims in Egypt (59%) say democracy is preferable to any other kind of government.

In Pakistan, just about four-in-ten Muslims (42%) prefer democracy to other types of government; 15% of Pakistani Muslims say that, in some circumstances, a non-democratic government can be preferable, and 21% say that, for someone like them, the kind of government their country has does not matter. About one-in-five Pakistani Muslims (22%) do not offer an opinion.

For the most part, views of democracy among Muslim publics are not tied to demographics. For example, in Nigeria as well as in all six of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, Muslims ages 18 to 29 were as likely as those ages 30 to 49 and those 50 and older to say that democracy is preferable to any other kind of government. Similarly, opinions about democracy vary little, if at all, across gender, income and education groups.

In Pakistan, however, Muslims with at least some college education are considerably more likely than those with less education to say that democracy is preferable to any other kind of government; more than half of Pakistani Muslims with some college education or more offer this opinion (53%), compared with 45% of those with a secondary education and just 36% of those with a primary education or less.

Yet, those with less education are not necessarily more likely than those with some college to embrace other forms of government; a similar percentage in each group says that non-democratic government can be preferable and that the kind of government Pakistan has does not matter to people like them. Instead, Pakistani Muslims with a primary education or less are about three times more likely than those with at least some college to decline to offer an opinion (28% vs. 9%, respectively).

In Nigeria, support for democracy is somewhat more widespread among Christians than among Muslims; 76% of Nigerian Christians say democracy is preferable to any other kind of government, compared with 66% of Muslims. Religious differences are less pronounced in Lebanon, where 86% of Christians and 81% of Sunni and Shia Muslims prefer democracy to other forms of government.

Limited Support for Suicide Bombing

The Muslim publics surveyed generally reject the notion that suicide bombing against civilians can be justified in order to defend Islam from its enemies, but there is considerable support for this kind of violence in some countries. Muslims in Lebanon and Nigeria are the most likely to say suicide bombings can often or sometimes be justified; nearly four-in-ten Lebanese Muslims (39%) and 34% of Nigerian Muslims say that is the case.

In Lebanon, support for suicide bombing is especially pervasive among the Shia population – 46% say this kind of violence in defense of Islam can often or sometimes be justified, compared with 33% of Sunnis. (Findings regarding attitudes toward suicide bombing and Islamic extremism were previously released in “Obama More Popular Abroad Than at Home, Global Image of U.S. Continues to Benefit,” June 17, 2010.)

One-in-five Muslims in Egypt and Jordan offer support for suicide bombing in defense of Islam, as do 15% of Indonesian Muslims. Yet, far more in these three countries say these violent acts are never justified; 46% of Muslims in Egypt and a majority in Jordan (54%) and Indonesia (69%) reject suicide bombings. The notion that these types of attacks against civilians are never justified is even more widespread in Pakistan and Turkey, where 80% and 77%, respectively, share this view.

Jordanian and Egyptian Muslims express somewhat more support for suicide bombing than they did in 2009, when 12% and 15%, respectively, said violence against civilians was justified in order to defend Islam. Compared with 2002, however, when the Pew Global Attitudes Project began tracking attitudes on this issue, far fewer across the Muslim world now endorse suicide bombings. For example, the percentage of Muslims saying these types of attacks are often or sometimes justified has declined 35 percentage points in Lebanon (74% in 2002), 25 percentage points in Pakistan (33% in 2002), and 23 percentage points in Jordan (43% in 2002).

Support for suicide bombing does not vary consistently across gender, age, education or income lines. And, for the most part, those who favor the death penalty for people who leave the Muslim religion are no more likely than those who oppose it to say violent acts in defense of Islam can be justified. Only in Indonesia and Nigeria is that not the case; 22% of Indonesian Muslims and 39% of Nigerian Muslims who say people who leave their religion should receive the death penalty say suicide bombings are often or sometimes justified, compared with 12% and 29%, respectively, of those who oppose the death penalty for those who leave Islam.

Widespread Concerns About Extremism

Islamic extremism continues to be a serious concern in nations with substantial Muslim populations. Large majorities in five of the six predominantly Muslim nations surveyed as well as in Nigeria, where roughly half of the population is Muslim, say they are very or somewhat concerned about the rise of Islamic extremism around the world. The only outlier is Turkey, where 39% are concerned.

Many are also worried about the rise of Islamic extremism within their own countries.
That is especially the case in Lebanon, where eight-in-ten – including 90% of Christians, 82% of Shia and 67% of Sunnis – express at least some concern. In Nigeria, roughly three-quarters (76%) are concerned about Islamic extremism in their country, including 83% of Muslims and 68% of Christians.

Nearly two-thirds of Pakistanis (65%) express concern about Islamic extremism in their country, but fears have declined since last year, when 79% shared that view. About six-in-ten in Egypt (61%) and Indonesia (59%) and more than four-in-ten in Jordan (44%) and Turkey (43%) are also concerned about extremism in their countries.

Almost everywhere, solid majorities express support for gender equality and agree that women should be able to work outside the home. Most also find a marriage in which both spouses share financial and household responsibilities to be more satisfying than one in which the husband provides for the family and the wife takes care of the house and children. In addition, majorities in most countries reject the notion that higher education is more important for a boy than for a girl.

Yet, despite a general consensus that women should have the same rights as men, people in many countries around the world say gender inequalities persist in their countries. Many say that men get more opportunities than equally qualified women for jobs that pay well and that life is generally better for men than it is for women in their countries. This is especially so in some of the wealthier nations surveyed. And while majorities in nearly every country surveyed express support for gender equality, equal rights supporters in most countries say that more changes are needed to ensure that women have the same rights as men.

These are among the findings of a 22-nation survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted April 7 to May 8. This special in-depth look at views on gender equality, done in association with the International Herald Tribune, also suggests that, while egalitarian sentiments are pervasive, they are less than robust; when economically challenging times arise, many feel men should be given preferential treatment over women in the search for employment.

This is especially true in the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed as well as in India, China, South Korea and Nigeria. In these countries, solid majorities agree that women should be able to work outside the home; yet, most also agree that men should have more right to a job than women when jobs are scarce. For example, about six-in-ten in Egypt (61%) and Jordan (58%) say women should have the right to work outside the home, but even larger shares (75% and 68%, respectively) say the priority should be for men to have jobs.

In some countries, male respondents are considerably more likely than female respondents to agree that men should have more right to a job than women when jobs are scarce. For example, about nine-in-ten Egyptian men (92%) share this view, compared with 58% of Egyptian women. Similarly, while about three-quarters of Jordanian men (77%) say their sex should be more entitled to a job in tough economic times, a much slimmer majority of Jordanian women (56%) say the same.

Men and women also frequently offer diverging views on other aspects of gender equality, including a woman’s right to work outside the home and the importance of higher education for boys and girls; this gender gap is evident most consistently in the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed.

The survey also finds that women are far more likely than men to perceive gender inequalities. By double-digit margins, female respondents in 13 of 22 nations are more likely than male respondents to say men in their countries have the better life. And in most countries where majorities among both men and women agree that men get more opportunities than women for high-paying jobs, women are considerably more likely to say they completely agree that is the case.

Widespread Support for Equal Rights

Solid majorities in virtually every country surveyed say that women should have the same rights as men. This opinion is nearly unanimous in Western European and Latin American countries, as well as in the U.S., Poland, Lebanon, China, India, and South Korea; at least nine-in-ten men and women in these countries express support for gender equality.

In Egypt, where six-in-ten say the two sexes should have the same rights, men and women offer widely different views. About three-quarters (76%) of Egyptian women support gender equality, while Egyptian men are nearly evenly divided – 45% say women and men should have equal rights and 47% disagree. Double-digit gender gaps are also evident in Jordan, Indonesia, Pakistan and Kenya; still, majorities among both men and women in those countries agree that women should have the same rights as men.

Only in Nigeria does a majority (54%) reject the idea that women and men should have equal rights. This primarily reflects the views of Nigerian men; 65% say women should not have the same rights as men, while just 35% say they should. In contrast, a majority of Nigerian women (56%) endorse equality, although a substantive minority (44%) does not.

Vast Support for Women Working Outside the Home

Majorities in every country polled agree that women should be able to work outside the home. In 17 of the 22 countries, most say they completely agree with this assertion, including at least three-quarters in Brazil (88%), Britain (84%), the U.S. (81%) and Germany (79%).

Support for a woman’s right to work outside the home has increased since 2002 in four of the six countries for which trends exist. For example, 95% of Turks currently subscribe to the idea that women should be able to work outside the home while 85% did so earlier in the decade; support for this view is also more widespread since 2002 in Nigeria (+10 percentage points), Pakistan (+9 points) and Indonesia (+8 points), while Jordanian and Lebanese views have shown little change.

In a number of countries where the majority thinks women should be able to work outside the home, women are even more likely than men to strongly support this idea; this is particularly the case in some of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. For example, while 65% of women in Pakistan completely agree that women should have the option to work outside the home, only 31% of Pakistani men hold the same view. Similarly, while about one-third of women in Egypt (36%) and Jordan (34%) completely agree that women should be able to work outside the home, only about one-in-ten men in these countries embrace the same opinion. Significant gender differences also exist in South Korea, Kenya, Spain, Lebanon and Indonesia.

In Lebanon and Nigeria, views also differ along religious and sectarian lines. More Lebanese Sunnis (75%) and Christians (73%) completely agree that women should be able to work outside the home than do Lebanese Shia (63%). The gap is far larger in Nigeria where 73% of Christians are in complete agreement with the notion of a working role for women compared with 43% of Nigerian Muslims.

Egalitarian Marriage Seen as More Satisfying

In 19 of 22 countries, majorities say that a marriage where both husband and wife have jobs and take care of the house and children is a more satisfying way of life than having the husband provide financially while the wife cares for the household.

This view is particularly widespread in Western Europe, where more than eight-in-ten in France (91%), Spain (91%) and Germany (85%) agree that the preferred marital model is one where husband and wife share a family’s financial burden as well as the household and child care responsibilities. More than eight-in-ten in Brazil (84%) and Kenya (81%) and at least three-quarters in China (78%) and Mexico (76%) share this view.

Across predominantly Muslim countries, support for both spouses working is mixed. About nine-in-ten in Lebanon (92%) favor a double-income household and an egalitarian approach to tasks at home, as do 72% in Turkey. In Indonesia, the majority in favor of dual workers both inside and outside the home is narrower (56%), with 43% of Indonesians saying that a marriage where the husband provides for the family and the wife takes care of the house and children is preferable.

Egyptians and Jordanians are more divided; 48% and 47%, respectively, embrace the egalitarian approach to marriage, while about four-in-ten (38% in Egypt and 40% in Jordan) choose a more traditional arrangement. In contrast, Pakistanis are overwhelmingly of the opinion that a marriage where the husband bears the financial responsibility while the wife cares for the house and children is more satisfying; nearly eight-in-ten (79%) share this view, compared with just 18% of Pakistanis who favor a non-traditional approach.

Views of marriage have become more egalitarian since earlier in the decade in seven of the 19 countries for which trends are available. This change has been especially dramatic in Jordan, where the balance of opinion has shifted since 2002; then, 37% of Jordanians opted for a more egalitarian approach, compared with the nearly half who do so now.

In Russia, Poland, Lebanon, Mexico and the U.S., where majorities already expressed a preference for a more non-traditional marriage arrangement in 2002, even more say that is the case today. For example, about three-quarters (74%) of Russians now say that a marriage where the husband and wife both have jobs and share household responsibilities is preferable, compared with 56% in 2002. Similarly, in the U.S., 71% now hold this view, compared with 58% earlier in the decade. In Poland, where the change since 2002 has been less pronounced, opinion has shifted dramatically since 1991; currently, 68% say an egalitarian marriage is more satisfying, compared with 60% in 2002 and just 41% nearly two decades ago.

French and German views of marriage are largely unchanged from 2002, but far more in these countries – as well as in Spain, which was not surveyed in 2002 – support a more egalitarian approach to marriage than did so in 1991. Nearly two decades ago, 67% in Spain, 64% in France and 58% in Germany found a marriage where the husband and wife both had jobs and took care of the house and children to be more satisfying than one where the husband provided for the family while the wife took care of the household; today, 91% in Spain and France and 85% in Germany share this view.

In China, Pakistan and Nigeria, however, views of marriage have become more traditional since 2002. In Pakistan, the share who say a marriage where the husband works outside the home while the wife takes care of the house and children is a better way of life has increased by 16 percentage points from 63% in 2002 to 79% today. In Nigeria, where fewer now say they prefer an egalitarian marriage than did so in 2002 (61% vs. 78%), the decline in support for this approach to marriage primarily reflects a change in opinion among Muslims. Currently, 47% of Nigerian Muslims say a marriage where both husband and wife have a job and take care of the house and children is preferable; 70% expressed this view in 2002. Changes have been less pronounced among Nigerian Christians – about three-quarters (74%) favor an egalitarian approach to marriage, compared with 85% earlier in the decade.

Across most of the countries surveyed, opinions about what type of marriage brings the most satisfaction vary little, if at all, between male and female respondents. In the predominantly Muslim countries of Jordan, Egypt, Pakistan and Turkey as well as in South Korea, however, more women than men favor an egalitarian approach. For example, roughly six-in-ten women in Jordan (59%) and Egypt (58%) take an egalitarian view, compared with just under four-in-ten men in these countries (36% in Jordan and 38% in Egypt).

Preferential Treatment for Men in Tough Economic Times

Publics across the countries surveyed offer mixed views on whether men should have more of a right to a job than women during tough economic times. Majorities in 11 of 22 countries surveyed reject this idea, and this is particularly true in the U.S. and Western Europe. In Nigeria as well as in many Asian and predominantly Muslim countries, however, most respondents say that men should receive preferential treatment when jobs are scarce.

At least eight-in-ten in Spain (87%), Britain (85%), the U.S. (85%), France (80%) and Germany (80%) disagree that in tough economic times, men should have more right to a job than women. Majorities in Mexico (69%), Brazil (63%), Argentina (56%), Kenya (53%) and Poland (51%) also reject this notion.

In contrast, the view that men should have more of a right to a job than women during tough economic times is prevalent in nine of the countries surveyed. At least seven-in-ten in India (84%), Pakistan (82%), Nigeria (77%), Egypt (75%), Indonesia (74%) and China (73%) subscribe to this idea. About two-thirds in the predominantly Muslim countries of Jordan (68%) and Turkey (67%) as well as 60% in South Korea also say that men are more entitled to a job than women when jobs are scarce.

Opinions are more mixed in Lebanon and Russia, where about as many agree (51% and 47%, respectively) as disagree (49% in each country) with the notion that men should have more right to a job than women in tough economic times. Lebanese views split along religious and sectarian lines; a majority (58%) of Sunni Muslims in that country say men should receive preferential treatment when jobs are scarce, while most Lebanese Christians (63%) reject this notion. Shia Muslims are divided – 48% agree and 52% disagree that men should have more of a right to a job than women when times are tough.

In many countries, men are more likely than women to agree with the idea that men should receive preferential treatment for jobs in tough economic times. This is particularly true in Egypt; 91% of men feel they should have more right to a job than women when jobs are scarce while 58% of women hold the same opinion. While less pronounced, a similar pattern also exists in Jordan, Russia, Kenya, Nigeria, South Korea, Poland, Indonesia and Lebanon.

In Japan, the opposite pattern in gender differences is evident; women (48%) are more likely than men (33%) to agree that men should receive preferential treatment for jobs in challenging times.

Support for Educating Boys and Girls

Publics in 18 of 22 countries disagree with the notion that a university education is more important for a boy than for a girl. And in 10 of these countries, many strongly reject this idea; majorities in Lebanon (84%), Brazil (78%), Argentina (72%), Britain (71%), France (70%), Mexico (65%), Germany (64%), Spain (62%), the U.S. (60%), and Kenya (59%) completely disagree that is it more important for a boy to receive a university education.

Still, a solid majority in India (63%) and about half in Pakistan (51%), Egypt (50%) and China (48%) say that a university education is more important for a boy than for a girl, and sizeable minorities in several countries agree. For example, in Jordan, 44% agree that it is more important for a boy than a girl to get a college education; about one-third in Japan (35%), Poland (34%) and Nigeria (34%) also embrace this view.

Nigerian opinion is split along religious lines. A solid majority (81%) of Christians in that country disagree that a college education is more important for a boy than for a girl. In contrast, Nigerian Muslims are nearly evenly divided; 50% agree and 49% disagree. Muslim men and women in Nigeria offer opposing views – nearly six-in-ten (59%) Muslim men agree that it is more important for boys to receive a college education, while 60% of Muslim women in Nigeria disagree.

A considerable gender gap in views of whether a university education is more important for boys than for girls is also evident in four of the six predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. Majorities of men in Egypt and Jordan say it is more important for a boy to receive a university education (60% and 56%, respectively); 60% of women in Egypt and 67% in Jordan disagree. In Pakistan, where more than twice as many men agree (64%) as disagree (30%) that a university education is more important for boys than it is for girls, about half (48%) of women disagree and 36% agree.

The gender divide is somewhat less pronounced in Turkey. While most among both sexes in that country reject the idea that a post-secondary education is of greater importance for a boy than a girl, more women (77%) than men (62%) subscribe to an egalitarian approach to education.

In some countries where overwhelming majorities disagree that a university education is more important for a boy than for a girl, women are considerably more likely than men to say they completely disagree. This is especially true in the U.S. – seven-in-ten women completely disagree that it is more important for a boy to receive a university education, compared with just about half (49%) of American men. Women in Argentina and in all four Western European nations surveyed are also more likely than men in those countries to strongly reject the notion that it is more important for a boy to get a college education than a girl.

Wearing a Veil

In four of the seven countries where the question was asked, clear majorities of Muslims say that women should have the right to decide if they wear a veil. This view is most widespread in Turkey, Indonesia and Lebanon.

In Turkey, where a ban on veils in civic spaces and government buildings remains, support for a woman’s right to decide whether she wears a veil is nearly universal and intensely held; 96% of Muslims in Turkey agree that women should have the right to determine if they wear a head cover, including seven-in-ten who completely agree that women should have this right.

In Indonesia, where national law makes wearing a veil optional in all but the autonomous province of Aceh, an overwhelming majority of Muslims (92%) believe women should have the right to decide if they cover their heads. Similarly, 89% of Lebanese Muslims feel women should determine whether or not to don a veil. A solid majority of Muslims in Pakistan (65%) also support a woman’s right to choose whether to cover her head.

In contrast, Egyptian and Jordanian Muslims are divided. Roughly half of Muslims in Egypt (51%) and Jordan (48%) agree that women should be able to determine if they wear a head scarf while roughly half in both countries disagree (48% in Egypt and 50% in Jordan). In Jordan, support for giving women this right has declined substantially since 2008, when about six-in-ten Muslims (59%) said women should have the right to decide if they were a veil.

Nigerian Muslims are the only ones who are more inclined to disagree (53%) than agree (45%) that women should have the right to decide if they wear a head scarf. However, Nigerian Muslim opposition to a woman’s right to choose whether to don a veil is down from 2008, when 64% disagreed that women should have this right.

In four of the seven countries, Muslim women are more likely than Muslim men to support a woman’s right to choose whether to wear a head scarf. For example, while 83% of Muslim women in Pakistan agree that women should have the right to decide if they wear a veil, only 47% of Muslim Pakistani men embrace the same view. A similar gender divide exists in Jordan, Egypt and Nigeria.

Achieving Equal Rights

When respondents who favor gender equality are asked whether their country has made most of the changes needed to give women equal rights with men or if more changes are needed to achieve that goal, majorities in 18 of 22 countries say the latter. At least eight-in-ten equal rights supporters in Japan (89%), Brazil (84%), France (82%) and Spain (80%) say their countries need to continue making changes to ensure that women have the same rights as men. This view is shared nearly equally among both genders in Japan, Brazil and France; in Spain, women are considerably more likely than men to say that more changes need to be made (86% vs. 74%).

Female respondents in the U.S., Britain and Germany also offer far more negative assessments of their countries’ progress on gender equality than do male respondents. About seven-in-ten American (72%) and German (70%) women who support equality say their countries need to effect more changes to give women the same rights as men; a much slimmer majority of men in both countries (55%) say that is the case. The gender gap is somewhat narrower in Britain – three-quarters of women who favor equal rights say their country still has work to do, and 62% of men agree.

Positive perceptions of how much progress their countries have made in achieving gender equality are more prevalent among equal rights supporters in Jordan, Indonesia, India and China; more than half in those countries say that most of the changes needed to ensure this goal have already been made. In Indonesia, more men (64%) than women (53%) believe such changes have been brought about.

Who Has a Better Life?

Opinions about who has a better life – men or women –are mixed. In 10 of 22 nations, majorities or pluralities say that, all things considered, men have the better life in their countries. In 10 others, more volunteer that there is no difference than say that life is better for one sex than the other. Only in Japan and South Korea do pluralities say that life is better for women in their countries (47% and 49%, respectively).

The view that men have the better life is particularly widespread in France; three-quarters in that country say that is the case, compared with just 14% who say life is better for women and 9% who volunteer that there is no difference. A majority (55%) in Poland shares the view that men have the better life in their country, as do solid pluralities in the U.S., Germany, Spain, India, Brazil and Nigeria.

Majorities or pluralities in the six predominantly Muslim nations surveyed volunteer that life is the same for men and women in their countries. More than half in Mexico (56%) and Russia (52%) and at least four-in-ten in China (49%) and Argentina (46%) share this view.

Across much of the world, female respondents are considerably more likely than male respondents to say that men have the better life in their country. This is especially true in Turkey and Spain. More than four-in-ten Turkish women (46%) say men have it better in their country, while 16% say women do, and 36% say there is no difference; among Turkish men, however, just 19% say their sex has the better life, while 38% say women have it better and 40% say there is no difference.

Many See Inequality in Job Opportunities

The view that men get more opportunities than women for jobs that pay well, even when women are as qualified for the job, is widespread in most of the countries surveyed, particularly those that are wealthy or have recently experienced substantial economic growth. At least eight-in-ten in Germany (84%), France (80%) and Japan (80%) as well as about seven-in-ten in South Korea (70%), Britain (70%), the U.S. (68%), and Spain (68%) say men get more opportunities for high-paying jobs. Similarly strong majorities in Poland (83%), India (83%) and China (73%) say that is the case.

In contrast, many in predominantly Muslim publics reject the notion that men get more job opportunities than women. More than half in Lebanon (70%), Egypt (54%) and Indonesia (53%), as well as a 49%-plurality in Jordan, disagree that men get more opportunities than women for high-paying jobs. This opinion is also prevalent in Mexico, where 55% disagree and 43% agree that job opportunities are more widely available to men than to women.

In many countries where the view that men get more job opportunities than women predominates, female respondents are more likely than male respondents to say that is the case; in particular, women in those countries are often more inclined than men to completely agree that there is gender inequality in employment opportunities. For example, about six-in-ten women in France (61%) and Germany (60%) completely agree that men get more opportunities than women for jobs that pay well; in contrast, 37% of men in France and 39% in Germany are in complete agreement.

Opposition to Iran’s nuclear weapons program is widespread, and many in Iran’s backyard express concern that a nuclear-armed Iran would pose a serious threat to their nations. In nearly every country surveyed, those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons say they would approve of tougher international economic sanctions to try to prevent Iran from developing such weapons. Opponents of Iran’s nuclear weapons program are less willing to consider military force as an option in dealing with the issue. Still, in 16 of 22 countries, among those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran, more say they might back military action than reject that possibility.

Iran Image Largely Negative

More than eight-in-ten in Germany (86%) and France (81%) view Iran unfavorably, as do 73% in Spain; a somewhat smaller majority in Britain (58%) shares this opinion. Majorities in the Asian countries surveyed, with the exception of the largely Muslim countries of Pakistan and Indonesia, also express negative views of the Islamic Republic; three-quarters in Japan, 60% in China and 55% in both South Korea and India give Iran an unfavorable rating.

More than six-in-ten in Brazil (65%) and Poland (62%) express negative views of Iran, as does a slim 51%-majority in Argentina (only 13% have a favorable view and 36% do not offer an opinion). Views are more divided in Russia; a 45% plurality rates Iran unfavorably while 36% give it positive ratings.

Iran receives low marks in four of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. More than six-in-ten Egyptians (66%) and Jordanians (63%) have an unfavorable opinion of Iran; 60% in Lebanon and about the same share in Turkey (58%) also express negative views. Pakistanis and Indonesians, on the other hand, offer positive opinions. About seven-in-ten (72%) in Pakistan have a favorable view of Iran; just 9% have an unfavorable view. In Indonesia, 62% give Iran positive rating, while about a quarter (26%) express negative views. Nearly as many Nigerians rate Iran unfavorably (41%) as rate it favorably (44%).

In Nigeria and Lebanon, opinions of Iran are divided along religious and sectarian lines. Nigerian Muslims are about twice as likely to offer positive views (62%) as they are to offer negative views of Iran (29%). In contrast, the balance of opinion is unfavorable among Nigerian Christians – half give the Islamic Republic a negative rating and just 29% give it a positive review.

Opinions of Iran are even more negative among Christians in Lebanon; 83% have unfavorable views. Overall views are more divided among Muslims in that country (54% favorable and 46% unfavorable), but there are sharp differences in opinion between Lebanese Sunnis and Shia. More than eight-in-ten (83%) Sunni Muslims in Lebanon have a negative opinion of Iran, a largely Shia nation. In contrast, Lebanese Shia are nearly unanimous in their positive views of Iran; 95% give it a favorable rating.

Views of Iran’s Leader

Publics in countries with a large Muslim population express mixed opinions about Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Majorities in Egypt (72%), Jordan (66%), Lebanon (63%) and Turkey (60%) lack confidence in the Iranian president to do the right thing regarding world affairs. In Indonesia, however, many more say they have at least some confidence in Ahmadinejad than say they do not (50% vs. 28%). Views of the Iranian leader are also, on balance, positive in Pakistan – 35% express confidence in him, while 21% do not – but fully 45% in that country do not offer an opinion. And in Nigeria, respondents are evenly split – 35% offer a positive rating and the same number offer a negative rating of Iran’s president.

As is the case with opinions about Iran, views of its leader in Lebanon and Nigeria reflect religious and sectarian divides. In Lebanon, overwhelming majorities of Christians and Sunnis express little or no confidence in Ahmadinejad to do the right thing in world affairs (86% and 88%, respectively); in contrast, nearly all Shia Muslims (93%) say they have confidence in the Iranian president. Among Nigerians, about twice as many Christians lack confidence in Ahmadinejad as express confidence in him (42% vs. 20%). Nigerian Muslims, on the other hand, are about twice as likely to say they have confidence in Iran’s leader as they are to say they do not (51% vs. 25%).

Opposition to Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program

Majorities in nearly every country surveyed oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons. At least nine-in-ten in Britain (90%), Germany (98%), France (95%) and Spain (94%) share this view. Opposition to Iran’s nuclear program is similarly strong in Japan (96%) and the United States (94%).

More than eight-in-ten in Poland (87%), South Korea (87%), Mexico (86%), Argentina (86%), Brazil (85%) and Russia (81%) also oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program. Smaller but substantial majorities in China (65%), Kenya (61%) and Nigeria (58%) express opposition to Iran obtaining nuclear weapons. Nigerian views are divided along religious lines. About three-quarters (74%) of Nigerian Christians oppose a nuclear-armed Iran, while just 17% support it; among Nigerian Muslims, however, more favor than oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program (48% vs. 41%).

Resistance to a nuclear-armed Iran is less pronounced in India. Nearly half (48%) of Indians oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program, while 33% favor it. In 2007, the last time this question was asked in India, about two-thirds (66%) in that country expressed opposition to a nuclear-armed Iran; 21% expressed support. In no other country have opinions of Iran’s nuclear weapons program changed so significantly.

Publics in almost all of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed are opposed to Iran acquiring nuclear weapons, including at least six-in-ten in Egypt (66%), Lebanon (64%), Turkey (63%) and Indonesia (60%). A narrower majority in Jordan (53%) shares this view. Still, substantial minorities in these countries say they would favor a nuclear-armed Iran, including nearly four-in-ten (39%) Jordanians.

Of the 22 countries surveyed, only in Pakistan is there widespread support for Iran obtaining nuclear weapons. About six-in-ten Pakistanis (58%) favor and just 10% oppose Iran acquiring such weapons. Support for a nuclear-armed Iran is even stronger among Lebanon’s Shia population – 91% would favor it – but overwhelming majorities of Christians (88%) and Sunnis (88%) in that country would oppose it.

Does a Nuclear-Armed Iran Pose a Threat?

While there is clear opposition to Iran’s nuclear weapons program in many of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, opinions about whether such weapons would pose a direct threat to these countries are more mixed. Concerns are greatest in Lebanon, where 57%, including solid majorities of Christians (82%) and Sunni Muslims (76%), say Iran would pose a serious threat to their country if it acquired nuclear weapons. Lebanon’s Shia population offers a much different view, however; almost all (95%) say a nuclear-armed Iran would pose, at worst, a minor threat to their country.

Slim majorities in Indonesia (53%) and Egypt (52%) believe that Iran would pose a serious threat to their countries if it obtained nuclear weapons; about half (49%) of Turks share this concern. In contrast, nearly six-in-ten Jordanians (58%) and about the same percentage in Pakistan (56%) do not see a nuclear-armed Iran as a potential threat.

In Nigeria, where the population is split roughly evenly between Muslims and Christians, opinions about a potential threat from Iran vary along religious lines. Overall, 63% of Nigerians say that Iran would pose a serious threat to their country if it acquired nuclear weapons. There is clear concern among Nigerian Christians – 81% see Iran’s nuclear weapons program as a threat to their countries. Muslims are divided – 45% say Iran would pose a serious threat to Nigeria if it obtained nuclear weapons and about the same number (46%) say Iran would not pose much of a threat to their country.

Support for Economic Sanctions

In 19 of 22 countries, majorities of those who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program say they would approve of tougher international economic sanctions on Iran to try to prevent it from developing such weapons. Support for tighter economic sanctions is especially prevalent in the U.S. (85% approve), but an overwhelming percentage of those who are opposed to a nuclear-armed Iran in the Western European countries surveyed also share this view. At least three-quarters in Spain (79%), Germany (77%), Britain (78%) and France (76%) endorse economic sanctions.

Two-thirds of Russians who would not like to see Iran acquire nuclear weapons say they would favor tougher sanctions against the Islamic Republic, as do 72% in Poland. Support for stricter economic sanctions is also widespread in Kenya (65% approve) and Nigeria (78%) among those who oppose Iran’s nuclear program. Nigerian Christians are more likely than Muslims in that country to approve of tougher sanctions, but majorities in both groups share this view (83% and 69%, respectively).

In Latin America, majorities of those who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program in the three countries surveyed approve of the use of tougher economic sanctions. About seven-in-ten (71%) Mexicans express that opinion, as do 65% of Brazilians and 57% of Argentines.

Support for tighter economic sanctions against Iran is also evident among those who oppose a nuclear-armed Tehran in most of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. About seven-in-ten (72%) Egyptians approve of tougher economic sanctions; the same percentage in Lebanon shares this view, including 82% of Christians and 65% of Sunni Muslims (the number of Shia Muslims who were asked this question is too small to analyze because support for Iran’s nuclear weapons program among that group is nearly universal). Six-in-ten Indonesians and a slightly higher percentage of Jordanians (66%) who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons are in favor of tougher economic sanctions to try to prevent it from happening.

Turks who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program are divided on the issue of tougher international economic sanctions – 44% favor them as a way to try to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons, while 40% oppose them. Among the small minority of Pakistanis who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program, few support increased economic sanctions on Iran; just 19% of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran favor the use of tougher sanctions, while 62% oppose it.

Opinions are somewhat more mixed across the Asian countries surveyed. About three-quarters (76%) of South Koreans who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program would like to see tougher economic sanctions; 66% in Japan say the same. In China, 58% of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran approve of increased sanctions; about one-third (32%) disapprove. And Indians are nearly evenly split – 46% favor tougher economic sanctions to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons and just slightly more (49%) oppose it.

Mixed Views of Military Option

While support for military action against Iran is less widespread than support for tougher economic sanctions, majorities or pluralities of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran in 16 of 22 countries surveyed are willing to consider using military force to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. Only in five countries do more among those who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program say that avoiding a military conflict with Iran, even if it means it may develop these weapons, should be the priority.

Americans are among the most supportive of a military option to deal with Iran; 66% of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran would consider the use of force. Only in Nigeria is there more support for this view (71%).

Western Europeans who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program express more mixed views regarding what should be the priority in dealing with the Islamic Republic. Close to six-in-ten (59%) in France would consider the use of military force to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, but a sizeable minority (41%) rejects this option.

About half in Germany (51%), Spain (50%) and Britain (48%) would support military efforts against Iran in order to stop its nuclear weapons program, but more than one-third in these countries (39%, 34% and 37%, respectively) say it is more important to avoid a military conflict with Iran, even if it results in a nuclear-armed Tehran.

Majorities of those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons in Egypt (55%) and Jordan (53%) and pluralities in Lebanon (44%) and Indonesia (39%) express support for the use of military force in order to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. In Turkey, however, more say that avoiding a military conflict with Iran should be the priority; nearly four-in-ten (37%) take that position, while 29% would consider the use of military force against Iran.

Of the few Pakistanis who say they do not want to see a nuclear-armed Iran, about a third (34%) say avoiding a military conflict with Iran should be the priority; fewer (21%) say it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action.

Most Japanese (55%) who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program say the priority should be to avoid a military conflict; 34% are willing to consider the use of military force. In China, 43% reject taking military action to deal with Iran, while 35% say preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons is more important, even if military action is needed.

India is the only country surveyed where there is greater support for the use of military force than for tougher economic sanctions to try to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons among those who oppose Iran obtaining such weapons. Just over half (52%) of Indians who would not like to see a nuclear-armed Tehran say it is more important to stop it from acquiring nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action; 39% say avoiding a military conflict with Iran is more important.

The survey also finds that the Chinese are overwhelmingly positive in their attitudes towards the U.S. Large majorities see an improvement in the relations between the two countries and characterize their interactions as cooperative.

However, as most of Europe and the U.S. still face varying degrees of hardship resulting from the economic downturn, China’s accelerated growth continues to generate concerns about its economic power. Publics in most countries also believe that China’s military prowess is a bad thing for their country.

Lukewarm Ratings for China in West

After a slight improvement in favorability ratings in 2009, views of China have held steady in most countries surveyed. In both the U.S. and Western Europe, fewer than half view China positively. Majorities in Germany (61%) and France (59%) give China an unfavorable rating.

Elsewhere in Western Europe, China’s image has worsened in Britain, making it at par with 2008 levels. Spain is the only Western European country surveyed where views of China have improved steadily since 2008. While only 31% of the respondents evaluated China in a positive light in 2008, this number increased to four-in-ten in 2009 and now stands at nearly half (47%).

China receives high marks from both African countries surveyed; 86% of Kenyans and three-fourths of Nigerians have a favorable opinion. Russians also remain largely positive towards China (60%), as do majorities in Middle Eastern countries.

In Asia, strong majorities view China positively in Pakistan (85%) and Indonesia (58%). Among China’s BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) counterparts, Indians remain the most negative in their views of China. Slightly more than one-third (34%) of Indians view China favorably, a significant decline since 2009, when nearly half (46%) said the same.

Few in Japan and South Korea view China in a positive light. Only 38% of South Koreans and slightly more than one-quarter (26%) among the Japanese say that they have a favorable view of China. In fact, among the countries surveyed, Japan is the most likely to view China unfavorably (69%).

China as a Partner

While majorities in the U.S. and Western Europe consider China neither a partner nor an enemy, large majorities among African countries, as well as sizeable numbers in the three Latin American countries polled, view China as a partner.

More than half of the respondents in the U.S. (52%), Spain (53%) and Germany (55%) and roughly seven-in-ten in Britain (71%) and France (70%) see China as neither a partner nor an enemy. Even though only one-quarter of Americans see China as a partner, this reflects a 12-percentage-point increase since 2008, when the question was last asked.

Consistent with their positive views of China, strong majorities in both African countries surveyed are likely to see China as a partner, including 84% in Kenya and 75% in Nigeria. Meanwhile, in Latin America, more than four-in-ten Brazilians (45%), Argentines (42%) and Mexicans (42%) hold this view.

China is also considered a partner in Pakistan (84%) and Indonesia (54%). Other Asian countries, however, are more wary of China. Indians are the most likely among the countries surveyed to consider China an enemy (44%) and only 32% consider the country a partner. In fact, Indians have become more distrustful of China since 2009, when more than four-in-ten (43%) saw the country as a partner. In South Korea as well, more than one-third consider China an enemy (35%), although a roughly similar proportion do not consider China either an enemy or a partner (38%). While only 32% of the respondents in Japan consider China a partner, this reflects a significant increase since 2009, when less than one-quarter (23%) saw China in this positive role.

Among the Middle Eastern countries surveyed, respondents in Jordan are the most likely to consider China a partner (47%).

Views of China’s Economic and Military Power

Concerns about China’s economic might are high among publics in the U.S. and Europe. In most of these countries, majorities or pluralities consider China’s growing economy a bad thing for their countries. Respondents in France are the most likely of all the countries surveyed to be concerned about China’s economic prowess (67%). In Britain, the public is divided on this issue, while in Russia, a plurality think China’s growing economy is a good thing for their country (49%).

In several developing countries, majorities consider China’s growing economic strength a good thing. Notable exceptions are Turkey (60%) and India (56%), where majorities are concerned about China’s economic might. Majorities or pluralities in every Middle Eastern, African and Latin American country surveyed see China’s growing economy as a good thing for their country. In Asia, Pakistan, Indonesia and Japan are also largely positive

about China’s growth, while opinions are divided in South Korea.

Concern about China’s growing economy has declined in seven of 21 countries surveyed. In Mexico, nearly half evaluated Chinese economic might as a bad thing for their country in 2008, compared with roughly one-third (34%) now. A similar drop is seen in Jordan, with somewhat smaller declines in Japan, South Korea, the U.S., Argentina and Russia.

In some countries, however, there is now greater concern about China’s economic power. For example, a majority of Indians (56%) now say that China’s growing economy is a bad thing for their country and just 34% say it is a good thing. In 2008, opinions were nearly evenly split; 45% of Indians were concerned about China’s economic growth and 42% were not.

With few exceptions, the publics in this survey worry about China’s growing military might. Consistent with their overall views of China, Japan and South Korea remain among the most likely to evaluate China’s growing military might as a bad thing for their countries (88% and 86% respectively). The French are also similarly concerned (87%). In India, a nation that fought a brief war with China in the early 1960s, concern about China’s military strength stands at more than six-in-ten (64%).

Large majorities in Europe and the U.S. have a negative view about China’s growing military prowess. Yet, publics in a few countries surveyed widely consider China’s military growth a good thing for their countries. Pakistanis, who have benefited from the acquisition of Chinese arms and military technology in the past, are among the most positive: 70% consider China’s growing military might a good thing. Opinions about China’s military strength are also positive in the African countries surveyed. More than six-in-ten among both Kenyans (66%) and Nigerians (64%) think that China’s growing military strength is a good thing for their country.

Chinese Say Relations With U.S. Are Good

Chinese views of the U.S. are largely positive. Chinese respondents widely believe that relations between the two countries have improved. Chinese respondents are also likely to see the relationship between their country and the U.S. as one of cooperation.

More than seven-in-ten (73%) Chinese say that relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years, while only 18% think that relations have not improved. A majority of Chinese also have a positive view of the U.S. (58%). By contrast, fewer than half of Americans have a positive view of China (49%). Further, a wide majority of Chinese (68%) considers the relationship between the two countries as one of cooperation, while only 8% evaluate it as one of hostility.

Confidence in Merkel

Majorities in all five EU countries included in the survey have confidence in German Chancellor Merkel to do the right thing regarding world affairs. Outside of the European Union, confidence in Merkel is less common, and many are unfamiliar with the German leader.

Confidence in Merkel is most widespread in France, where she is even more popular than she is at home and more popular than French President Sarkozy. About eight-in-ten French (81%) have confidence in the chancellor to do the right thing in international affairs. A large majority (72%) in Merkel’s home country hold the same view. In Britain, 60% express confidence in Merkel, up from roughly half (51%) the previous year. Similarly, 57% in Spain voice positive opinions about Merkel’s leadership on foreign affairs, a modest improvement since 2009 (49%). More striking is the improvement in Polish views of Merkel; 58% voice a favorable view this year, compared with 39% last year.

Pluralities in Japan (46%), the U.S. (43%) and China (40%) have confidence in the German leader, although in all three nations many do not offer an opinion.

Negative views of Merkel are far more common in the Middle East. Seven-in-ten in Egypt have little or no confidence in the chancellor to do the right thing in world affairs. Roughly six-in-ten hold the same negative views in Jordan (64%) and Lebanon (61%).

Turks also remain unconvinced of Merkel’s foreign policy leadership skills. As in past surveys, a large majority in Turkey (69%) currently have little or no confidence in the chancellor’s international decisions, while only a few say the opposite (6%). Many Turks (25%) do not offer an opinion of the German leader.

Elsewhere around the world, many offer no opinion about Merkel. Roughly four-in-ten or more in Indonesia (39%), India (46%), Mexico (53%), Argentina (62%) and Pakistan (65%) said they could not assess her ability to handle world affairs.

Confidence in Sarkozy

Publics in European Union countries express far less confidence in French President Sarkozy than in German Chancellor Merkel. Germany and Poland are the only European Union countries surveyed in which a majority – albeit a slim one – expresses confidence in Sarkozy to do the right thing in world affairs; 52% in both nations have a positive view of him.

In France, fewer people have confidence (47%) in their president than do not (53%). Just one year earlier, positive views of Sarkozy (53%) outranked negative ones (47%). Favorable views of the French president are even less common in Britain (37%) and Spain (39%).

Four-in-ten in Russia and the U.S. have confidence in Sarkozy’s global leadership, and many in both countries do not offer an opinion.

A majority in only one of the three Middle Eastern publics surveyed has faith in Sarkozy’s foreign policy leadership skills. More than half of Lebanese (53%) trust the French president to do the right thing in world affairs. In contrast, seven-in-ten in Egypt (70%) and 63% in Jordan have little or no confidence in the French leader.

As in past surveys in Turkey, 71% currently have little or no confidence in Sarkozy’s handling of foreign affairs, while only a few (3%) have a positive view. Many Turks (26%) do not offer an opinion. Even larger proportions in Pakistan (65%), Mexico (49%), Argentina (48%), India (47%), and Indonesia (36%) express no view of the French president.

Views of Medvedev

Confidence in Russian President Medvedev to do the right thing in world affairs is limited, although the assessment is more positive than last year.

Positive views of Medvedev have become more common in all five EU member states surveyed. In Poland, confidence in the Russian president has more than doubled in the last year, rising from 17% to 36%. Germans give Medvedev his highest marks among the EU nations polled – half now express confidence in him, up 18 percentage points from 2009. Significant increases have also taken place in France (+13 percentage points), Britain (+9 points) and Spain (+6 points).

In Turkey, negative assessments of Medvedev continue to prevail; 69% say they lack confidence in Medvedev, up slightly from 2009 (64%). Many Turks say they are unfamiliar with the Russian leader.

Similarly, negative views of President Medvedev are widespread among the Middle Eastern publics surveyed. A large majority in Jordan (82%) have no confidence in the Russian leader’s ability to handle world affairs, an increase from the previous year (73%). Similarly, 73% of Egyptians are critical of Medvedev, while in Lebanon 55% hold the same negative view.

In only five countries outside of Russia are ratings of Medvedev more positive than negative. Pluralities in Kenya (45%), India (44%), China (43%), Nigeria (41%) and the U.S. (38%) express confidence in his ability to handle foreign policy. American opinions of Medvedev have grown more positive since last year, when 30% expressed confidence in him. Many in Argentina (62%), Pakistan (59%), Mexico (52%), India (39%) and Indonesia (35%) offer no opinion of the Russian leader.

Overwhelmingly, Medvedev remains popular at home – a large majority of Russians (74%) have confidence in their president. Similarly, roughly three-quarters (77%) of Russians back Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. In 2009, large majorities also expressed confidence in Medvedev (76%) and Putin (81%).

Opinions of Germany

Amidst the recent chaos of the Greek debt crisis and negative German reaction to bail-outs of other European countries, European and Russian public views of Germany remain resolutely favorable.

Nine-in-ten among the French (91%) have a favorable view of Germany. More than seven-in-ten in Spain (78%), Poland (78%), Russia (75%) and Britain (72%) also offer a positive opinion of Germany.

European attitudes toward Germany were similarly complimentary in recent years. In 2007, large majorities in France (90%), Russia (77%), Spain (76%) and Britain (74%) held favorable views of Germany. Polish views of Germany are substantially more favorable now (78%) than in 2007 (67%).

Opinions of Russia

Overall, majorities or pluralities in 9 of 21 countries outside of Russia hold a favorable view of Russia. There have been some significant improvements in Russia’s image since last year, especially among EU member states and in the U.S. About half in France (51%) and Germany (50%) now express a favorable opinion of Russia, an increase of eight percentage points in both nations. An even larger rise has occurred in Poland, where 45% have a positive view, compared with just 33% in 2009. Favorable views have also become more common in the U.S. (+6 percentage points) and Spain (+4 points).

In contrast to trends in some parts of Europe and the U.S., Turkish views of Russia remain negative. As in previous years, more than six-in-ten (65%) Turks currently express an unfavorable view of Russia.

Two of the three publics surveyed in the Middle East also offer critical views of Russia. Majorities in Jordan (58%) and Egypt (58%) currently voice a negative assessment of Russia. Just one year earlier, Egyptian attitudes were nearly evenly divided. In contrast, 55% of Lebanese express positive views of Russia.

Negative views of Russia tend to predominate in Asia. A majority of Japanese (60%) express unfavorable views of Russia, although that figure is down from 68% in 2009. In Indonesia, 44% voice negative opinions of Russia. Similarly, 45% of South Koreans are critical of Russia, up from 35% the previous year. In contrast, half of Indians (51%) and a plurality of Chinese (49%) hold a positive opinion of Russia.

In Africa, favorable views of Russia outnumber negative ones. A majority of Nigerians (53%) hold a positive opinion of Russia. Similarly, in Kenya 47% express a positive view, up from 35% the previous year.

Views of the European Union

Views of the European Union have changed little in the last year, at least among the EU member states surveyed. Elsewhere, the EU’s popularity has also remained steady or grown. Majorities or pluralities in 17 of the 22 countries surveyed have a favorable view of the EU. However, majorities in Jordan (67%), Turkey (57%) and Egypt (55%) express a negative view of the EU.

Support for the Brussels-based institution is widespread among the five EU member countries included in the survey. Overwhelming majorities in Poland (81%) and Spain (77%) express favorable opinions of the EU. More than six-in-ten hold the same view in France (64%) and Germany (62%). Given past trends, it is not surprising that British enthusiasm for the EU is more muted; only 49% voice a positive opinion. British favorability ratings of the EU have hovered around 50% since 2004.

A large majority of Russians (69%) hold favorable views of the EU. In Asia, enthusiasm for the EU is widespread and has improved since last year. Majorities in South Korea (75%), Japan (73%) and Indonesia (58%), and a plurality in China (47%) express a favorable attitude toward the EU. The EU is more popular now than in 2009 in Japan and China. In contrast, pluralities in Pakistan (45%) and India (38%) hold unfavorable views of the EU, though many do not offer an opinion of this European institution in either country.

Strong majorities in Kenya (80%) and Nigeria (67%) see the EU in a positive light. Moreover, positive views of the EU are far more common now in Kenya than last year (+18 percentage points).

Turkey and the European Union

Turkey has long hoped to join the EU, but Turkish public sentiment toward the Brussels-based institution remains decidedly unenthusiastic. Currently, only 28% of Turks hold a positive view of the EU, a slight improvement from 2009 (22%) but still down substantially from 2004 (58% favorable).

Moreover, while a majority (54%) of Turks are still in favor of Turkey becoming an EU member, this is substantially fewer than in 2005 (68%). The intensity of Turkish interest in joining the EU has also dropped substantially. Far fewer Turks now strongly favor (16%) their country’s accession to the EU than in 2005 (31% strongly favor).

Views of NATO

NATO is viewed positively by majorities in the U.S., Poland, and Western European member states. However, NATO is much less popular among Germans than in the past.

Enthusiasm for NATO is most widespread in Poland – the newest member of the Alliance polled; 77% express a favorable view of this security organization.

NATO also remains popular elsewhere in Europe, as well as in the U.S. Majorities in France (68%), Britain (60%), and Spain (53%) hold positive views of the body. A majority in Germany (57%) also offers favorable opinions of NATO, although this represents a substantial decrease in positive views from fall 2009 (73%).

Germans who support removing troops from Afghanistan are less likely to hold a favorable view of NATO (45%) than those who want to keep troops there (76%). Consistent with past surveys, more than twice as many Americans favor NATO (54%) as view it negatively (21%).

Opinions of NATO are improving in Russia – the only non-member state where this question was asked. Currently, Russian views of this Western security organization are evenly split; 40% express a favorable opinion while 40% view NATO unfavorably. In the fall of 2009, only 24% of Russians held a positive view of NATO while 58% voiced a negative one.

Driven by President Obama’s popularity in the region, favorable ratings for the U.S. in Western Europe soared between 2008 and 2009, and in this year’s poll attitudes remain overwhelmingly positive in Britain, France, Germany and Spain.

Opinions about the U.S. have turned sharply negative, however, in Mexico, where resentment of Arizona’s new immigration law is fueling a backlash against the U.S., the American people, and even against President Obama, who has publicly criticized the measure.

And, despite the continued favorable image of the U.S. in most parts of the world, in nine of the fifteen countries where comparable data is available, America’s favorability still lags behind that found in 1999/2000 at the end of President Bill Clinton’s time in office. The U.S. is only more popular in five countries than in the Clinton era – France, Spain, Russia, South Korea and Nigeria.

The U.S. also continues to face image challenges in predominantly Muslim nations. Roughly one year since Obama’s Cairo address, America’s image shows few signs of improving in the Muslim world, where opposition to key elements of U.S. foreign policy remains pervasive and many continue to perceive the U.S. as a potential military threat to their countries.

Concerns about American foreign policy are not limited to Muslim publics, however. Most notably, in regions across the globe, there is a common perception that the U.S. acts unilaterally in world affairs. The war in Afghanistan also remains widely unpopular, although publics among some of America’s European allies are closely divided on this issue. Support for the war has declined over the last year in the U.S. and Americans are also now about evenly split between those who want to keep troops in Afghanistan and those who favor withdrawal.

One issue on which Americans and Western Europeans differ sharply is how they perceive religiosity in the U.S. By a hefty margin, the French, British and Germans say the U.S. is too religious a country, while Americans overwhelmingly think their country is not religious enough. On this issue, Americans tend to agree with the rest of the world – in 17 of 21 countries people tend to say the U.S. is not sufficiently religious.

U.S. Image Largely Positive

Majorities or pluralities in 17 of 21 countries have a very or somewhat favorable opinion of the U.S. The biggest increase in favorable ratings for the U.S. has been among Russians. In America’s former Cold War nemesis, 57% now have a positive view, up 13 percentage points from last year. There was also a significant increase in the other former Eastern bloc nation included in the survey, Poland, where 74% express a favorable opinion, up from 67% in 2009.

Among America’s key Western European allies, ratings remain generally positive and largely steady. After a steep decline in approval during the years of the Bush presidency, large majorities in all four Western European nations surveyed now express a positive attitude toward the U.S. Fully 73% in France give the U.S. positive marks, essentially unchanged from last year. U.S. favorability dropped just slightly in Britain, from 69% to 65%. Again this year, just over six-in-ten in Germany (63%) and Spain (61%) offered a favorable assessment.

Favorable ratings for the U.S. have suffered a double-digit decline in Egypt. In 2009, 27% of Egyptians had a favorable opinion, but this year only 17% hold this view, tying Egypt with Turkey (17%) and Pakistan (17%) for the lowest U.S. favorability rating in the survey. Views of the U.S. are only slightly more positive in Jordan, where 21% give a favorable assessment, down somewhat from 25% last year. The two predominantly Muslim countries that accord the U.S. its most positive ratings are Lebanon (55%) and, especially, Indonesia (59%), where President Obama’s personal connection to the country buoys America’s overall image.

Ratings for the U.S. have improved markedly in China – 58% have a positive view this year, up from 47% last year. America’s image has been steadily improving in China since 2007, when only 34% expressed a favorable opinion.

Favorable ratings have become less common over the last year in India, dropping 10 percentage points. Nonetheless, 66% of Indians continue to hold a positive opinion of the U.S.

An identical percentage of Japanese (66%) voice a positive view. And despite the July 2009 election of a new ruling party that, according to many observers, has voiced criticisms of American policies, U.S. favorability has actually risen seven percentage points since the spring 2009 poll. Elsewhere in Asia, South Koreans continue to give the U.S. overwhelmingly positive marks (79%).

The only publics giving the U.S. higher marks than South Koreans are the two nations surveyed in sub-Saharan Africa. Roughly eight-in-ten (81%) have a positive view in the continent’s most populous country, Nigeria. And with near unanimity, Kenyans (94%) voice a positive opinion of the U.S. Additionally, President Obama is extremely popular in Kenya, and the 2009 Pew Global Attitudes survey found that the vast majority of Kenyans were aware of his personal connection to their nation (his father was from Kenya). However, the U.S. was also relatively popular in Kenya, and in much of Africa, during George W. Bush’s presidency.

In contrast, Argentines have given the U.S. largely negative reviews in recent years, although favorable ratings have become more common since 2008. Currently, Argentines are nearly evenly divided; 42% rate the U.S. favorably and 41% rate it unfavorably. The U.S. gets more positive evaluations in neighboring Brazil, where roughly 62% have a favorable opinion.³

The biggest decline in overall ratings for the U.S. occurred in Mexico, the result, in part, of a backlash against the recently passed immigration bill in Arizona. Overall, favorable opinions of the U.S. have dropped from 69% to 56% in Mexico since 2009, but there are sharp differences between those interviewed before and after the Arizona measure was signed into law by Gov. Jan Brewer on April 23, 2010. Among respondents interviewed from April 14-20, 62% had a positive view of the U.S., compared with just 44% of those interviewed May 1-6.

Nearly two-thirds (65%) of Mexicans surveyed after the law’s enactment have heard of the new law, including 23% have heard a lot about it; one-in-four have not heard of it.

When asked how leaders on both sides of the border are handling the controversial new measure, Mexicans generally offer negative assessments. In particular, Gov. Brewer gets poor marks – 75% disapprove of the way she has dealt with the law. And even though U.S. President Barack Obama has criticized the new law, a majority of Mexicans (54%) disapprove of the way he has handled the crisis. Evaluations of Mexican President Felipe Calderón are not as negative, although on balance more respondents disapprove (43%) than approve (25%) of his performance.

Muslim Opinion

Among the Muslim populations surveyed, Indonesia and Nigeria are the only countries in which most Muslims have a favorable view of the U.S. Seven-in-ten Nigerian Muslims express a positive opinion, up from 61% last year. The country’s Christian population continues to give the U.S. extremely high ratings – 92% offer a favorable opinion.

Overall, 39% of Lebanese Muslims have a favorable view of the U.S., but this masks deep divisions within the country’s Muslim population. Roughly three-in-four (74%) Lebanese Sunni Muslims express a positive opinion. While this is down from last year’s extraordinarily high 90%, it is still higher than in 2007 and 2008, and is a much more positive rating than the U.S. receives among the largely Sunni Arab populations of Egypt and Jordan. However, almost no Lebanese Shia Muslims (2%) have a positive opinion of the U.S. Meanwhile, 74% of Lebanese Christians have a favorable view, up from 66% in 2009.

Many in Muslim Countries Still See U.S. Threat

Majorities in all six predominantly Muslim nations surveyed say they are very or somewhat worried that the U.S. could pose a military threat to their country someday.

After dropping steeply between 2007 and 2009 in Jordan and Egypt, concerns about a U.S. threat have risen slightly in both countries this year. The trend has moved sharply in the opposite direction however, in Pakistan, where 65% see the U.S. as a potential military threat, down from 79% in 2009. Despite having relatively positive views of the U.S. on other measures, Indonesians continue to express a high degree of concern about a potential U.S. threat (76%).

Rating the American People

The American people receive largely positive ratings among the nations surveyed, with majorities or pluralities in 16 of 21 countries saying they have a favorable opinion of Americans.

Moreover, on balance, attitudes towards Americans have grown somewhat more positive in the last year. Among the 20 countries outside the U.S. where trends are available, favorable views of the American people have increased in nine countries, remained about the same in 10, and decreased in only one.

The largest increase took place in China, where positive views of Americans jumped from 42% in 2009 to 61% in this year’s poll. Sizeable increases also occurred in Poland (+8 percentage points), Russia (+7 points) and Spain (+7 points).

The only nation in which the image of the American people declined was in neighboring Mexico. Overall, 49% of Mexicans voice a positive opinion of Americans, down from 57% last year. Here again, Mexican public opinion was very different before and after the passage of the Arizona immigration law. Prior to the law’s enactment, 55% held a positive view of Americans, but this plummeted to 39% afterwards.

By far, Turks (16%) and Pakistanis (18%) give Americans their lowest favorability rating, and less than a majority express a positive opinion in Egypt (39%), Argentina (39%) and Jordan (44%).

Perceptions of U.S. Unilateralism

The belief that the U.S. tends to act unilaterally in world affairs remains widespread in this year’s survey. Majorities in only five nations say the U.S. takes into account the interests of countries like theirs when making foreign policy decisions.

The U.S. receives its most positive marks on this issue in India, where more than eight-in-ten (83%) say America considers the interests of countries like India a great deal or a fair amount.

In China, 76% believe the U.S. considers their interest when making foreign policy, up from 62% last year. Big majorities also hold this view in the African nations surveyed: Kenya (75%) and Nigeria (66%).

In no European country surveyed does a majority think the U.S. takes their interests into account. Between 2007 and 2009, the British, French and German publics became much more likely to believe the U.S. considers their interests. However, this view has become slightly less common in all three nations over the last year. The share of the public who think the U.S. considers their interests has dropped eight percentage points in Britain, seven in Germany, and five in France.

There are five countries where fewer than 20% believe the U.S. considers their interest: Pakistan (19%), Lebanon (19%), Argentina (16%), Egypt (15%) and Turkey (9%). This single-digit number in Turkey is down six percentage points since last year, and is as low as it was in 2003, shortly after the start of the Iraq war.

Americans tend to see this issue quite differently from much of the rest of the world. When asked how much their country takes into account the interests of other countries around the world, 76% of Americans say a great deal or a fair amount. This is little changed from last year, but is significantly higher than in 2007, when 59% of Americans expressed this opinion.

Views of U.S. Anti-Terror Efforts

Majorities in 12 of the 22 countries surveyed say they favor U.S.-led efforts to fight terrorism, including all four Western European countries. Support for American anti-terrorism efforts rose substantially in Western Europe between 2007 and 2009, and it remains high in this year’s poll, although support has declined a bit in Britain, France and Germany.

A similar pattern can be seen in India and China, where support for the U.S.-led anti-terrorism campaign increased sharply between 2007 and 2009, but has fallen significantly in the last year, dropping 17 percentage points in India and nine points in China.

Support for these efforts is consistently low in the Middle East and Turkey, as well as in Pakistan – a nation crucial to American efforts to combat al Qaeda and similar groups. Only 19% of Pakistanis say they favor U.S.-led anti-terrorism efforts, down from 24% last year.

U.S. anti-terrorism policies are widely endorsed in both Poland (70%) and Russia (70%), and in the latter support is up 16 percentage points from last year. Kenyans (75%) give these policies their highest level of approval outside the U.S. Two-thirds also favor these efforts in Nigeria, but there are major differences along religious lines. Among Nigerian Christians, 86% favor U.S.-led anti-terrorism efforts, while only 9% oppose them. There is less support among the country’s Muslim population (47% favor and 41% oppose).

War in Afghanistan

The war in Afghanistan remains unpopular in most of the nations surveyed. Majorities or pluralities in 16 of 22 countries believe U.S. and NATO forces should be withdrawn from Afghanistan as soon as possible. In six nations, majorities or pluralities say these troops should be kept there until the situation stabilizes.

Support for the war is especially low in predominantly Muslim nations, including Pakistan, which borders Afghanistan, and like Afghanistan, is facing serious security threats from the Taliban and other extremist groups. Only 7% of Pakistanis want the U.S. and NATO to keep troops in their neighboring country, while 65% call for a troop withdrawal and 28% offer no opinion.

Similarly, only 11% in NATO ally Turkey think coalition forces should remain in Afghanistan, while just 15% of Egyptians, 13% of Jordanians, and 21% of Lebanese hold this view. Even in Indonesia, where attitudes toward the U.S. and toward American foreign policy specifically are generally more positive than among other largely Muslim nations, only 19% want troops to stay.

The conflict is also unpopular elsewhere, including China (18% keep troops) and Japan (35%). On balance, however, South Koreans and Indians are more likely to favor retaining troops in Afghanistan than withdrawing them.

Americans are almost evenly divided on this issue: 48% want troops to stay, while 45% favor withdrawal. There are significant partisan differences, however: 65% of Republicans want to keep U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan, compared with 50% of independents and only 36% of Democrats.

Overall, American support for the war has declined since last spring, when a 57%-majority favored staying in Afghanistan. But support is largely unchanged from a September 2009 Pew Global survey, conducted in the U.S. and in 13 European countries, when 50% said troops should stay until the situation is stabilized and 43% said they should be removed.⁴

A different trend is apparent among some of America’s key European allies. The fall 2009 survey found that support for the war had slipped in several major NATO nations between spring and fall 2009. But the current poll finds support rebounding a bit in Britain and France, where about half now say troops should stay, as well as in Spain and Poland, where roughly four-in-ten now hold this view.

Few See Stability Emerging in Iraq

Among the nations surveyed, there is relatively little optimism about Iraq’s political future.⁵ Majorities or pluralities in only seven of 22 nations believe efforts to establish a stable government in Iraq will definitely or probably succeed. In 12 nations, fewer people think these efforts will succeed than was the case last year; more people hold this view in two, while public opinion has remained essentially steady in six nations.

Turks, who share a border with Iraq, are the least optimistic: only 12% think efforts to establish a stable government will succeed. In Jordan, which also borders Iraq, the belief that these efforts will succeed has become much less common over the last year, decreasing from 50% to 36%. About four-in-ten hold this view in the two other Arab nations surveyed, Lebanon (43%) and Egypt (40%).

Western Europeans are consistently less optimistic about Iraq’s prospects than they were in 2009. The percentage saying a stable government will be established has declined significantly in Spain (-8 percentage points), Britain (-7 points), France (-7 points) and Germany (-7 points). There have been declines in other nations as well, including Nigeria (-22 points), China (-20 points), South Korea (-11 points), Argentina (-8 points) and Mexico (-8 points).

Americans are also slightly less hopeful about Iraq this year – 45% say they think efforts to create a stable government will be successful, down from 49% last year. Democrats (39% succeed) are less optimistic than independents (47%) or Republicans (51%).

American Religiosity

The survey finds a fair amount of cross-national agreement regarding one aspect of America’s image: its religiosity. When asked whether the U.S. is too religious or not religious enough, majorities or pluralities in 18 of 22 countries say it is not religious enough. This is especially true in all three Arab nations surveyed – Jordan (89%), Egypt (81%), and Lebanon (64%) – as well as in Indonesia (67%) and Pakistan (55%). Majorities also hold this view in India (57%), Brazil (55%), Mexico (56%), Kenya (53%) and Nigeria (57%).

The exceptions on this question are the economically advanced nations of Western Europe and Japan. In particular, the French are considerably more likely than others to see the U.S. as too religious (71%). More than four-in-ten feel this way in Britain (47%), Germany (46%) and Japan (42%). The Spanish are divided: 38% think the U.S. is too religious and 40% believe it is not religious enough.

Interestingly, the perception that the U.S. is an overly religious nation has become more common across all four Western European nations since the last time the Pew Global Attitudes Project asked this question in 2005, in the middle of the George W. Bush era.

Americans tend to disagree with their transatlantic allies on this question: 64% say their country is not religious enough, up from 58% in 2005. Republicans (81%) are especially likely to hold this view, although majorities of Democrats (60%) and independents (56%) agree.