The European Union is the new sick man of Europe. The effort over the past half century to create a more united Europe is now the principal casualty of the euro crisis. The European project now stands in disrepute across much of Europe.

Support for European economic integration – the 1957 raison d’etre for creating the European Economic Community, the European Union’s predecessor – is down over last year in five of the eight European Union countries surveyed by the Pew Research Center in 2013. Positive views of the European Union are at or near their low point in most EU nations, even among the young, the hope for the EU’s future. The favorability of the EU has fallen from a median of 60% in 2012 to 45% in 2013. And only in Germany does at least half the public back giving more power to Brussels to deal with the current economic crisis.

The sick man label – attributed originally to Russian Czar Nicholas I in his description of the Ottoman Empire in the mid-19th century – has more recently been applied at different times over the past decade and a half to Germany, Italy, Portugal, Greece and France. But this fascination with the crisis country of the moment has masked a broader phenomenon: the erosion of Europeans’ faith in the animating principles that have driven so much of what they have accomplished internally.

The prolonged economic crisis has created centrifugal forces that are pulling European public opinion apart, separating the French from the Germans and the Germans from everyone else. The southern nations of Spain, Italy and Greece are becoming ever more estranged as evidenced by their frustration with Brussels, Berlin and the perceived unfairness of the economic system.

These negative sentiments are driven, in part, by the public’s generally glum mood about economic conditions and could well turn around if the European economy picks up. But Europe’s economic fortunes have worsened in the past year, and prospects for a rapid turnaround remain elusive. The International Monetary Fund expects the European Union economy to not grow at all in 2013 and to still be performing below its pre-crisis average in 2018. Nevertheless, despite the vocal political debate about austerity, a clear majority in five of eight countries surveyed still think the best way to solve their country’s economic problems is to cut government spending, not spend more money.

These are among the key findings of a new study by the Pew Research Center conducted in eight European Union nations among 7,646 respondents from March 2 to March 27, 2013.

A Dyspeptic France

No European country is becoming more dispirited and disillusioned faster than France. In just the past year, the public mood has soured dramatically across the board. The French are negative about the economy, with 91% saying it is doing badly, up 10 percentage points since 2012. They are negative about their leadership: 67% think President Francois Hollande is doing a lousy job handling the challenges posed by the economic crisis, a criticism of the president that is 24 points worse than that of his predecessor, Nicolas Sarkozy. The French are also beginning to doubt their commitment to the European project, with 77% believing European economic integration has made things worse for France, an increase of 14 points since last year. And 58% now have a bad impression of the European Union as an institution, up 18 points from 2012.

Even more dramatically, French attitudes have sharply diverged from German public opinion on a range of issues since the beginning of the euro crisis. Differences in opinion across the Rhine have long existed. But the French public mood is now looking less like that in Germany and more like that in the southern peripheral nations of Spain, Italy and Greece.

Positive assessment of the economy in France have fallen by more than half since before the crisis and is now comparable to that in the south. The French share similar worries about inflation and unemployment with the Spanish, the Italians and the Greeks at levels of concern not held by the Germans. Only the Greeks and Italians have less belief in the benefits of economic union than do the French. The French now have less faith in the European Union as an institution than do the Italians or the Spanish. And the French, like their southern European compatriots, have lost confidence in their elected leader.

Disillusionment with Elected Leaders

Compounding their doubts about the Brussels-based European Union, Europeans are losing faith in the capacity of their own national leaders to cope with the economy’s woes. In most countries surveyed, fewer people today than a year ago think their national executive is doing a good job dealing with the euro crisis. This includes just 25% of the public in Italy, where the sitting Prime Minister Mario Monti was voted out while this survey was being conducted. Even the Germans, who overwhelmingly back their Chancellor Angela Merkel, are slightly more judgmental of her handling of Europe’s economic challenges than they were last year. And Merkel faces the voters in an election in September 2013.

Nevertheless, Merkel remains the most popular leader in Europe, by a wide margin. She enjoys majority approval for her handling of the European economic crisis in five of the eight nations surveyed. But in Greece (88%) and Spain (57%), majorities now say she has done a bad job, as do half (50%) of those surveyed in Italy.

Economic Gloom

Most Europeans are profoundly concerned about the state of their economies. Just 1% of the Greeks, 3% of the Italians, 4% of the Spanish and 9% of the French think economic conditions are good. Only the Germans (75%) are pleased with their economy.

And the economic mood has worsened appreciably since before the euro crisis began. Positive sentiment is down 61 percentage points in Spain, 54 points in Britain, 22 points in Italy and 21 points in both the Czech Republic and France.

But despair about the economy may have bottomed out in some nations since 2012. Sentiment seems to have stabilized in the Czech Republic and Poland. And the mood can’t get much worse in Spain, Italy and Greece.

Most Europeans are almost as gloomy about the future. Just 11% of the French, 14% of the Greeks and Poles, and 15% of the Czechs think that their national economic situation will improve over the next 12 months.

A median of 78% in the eight countries surveyed say a lack of jobs is a very big problem in their country. And a median of 71% cite the public debt. Except in Germany, overwhelming majorities in many countries say unemployment, the public debt, rising prices and the gap between the rich and the poor are very important problems. Unemployment is the number one worry in seven of the eight countries. Inequality is the principle concern in Germany.

Apprehension about economic mobility and inequality is also widespread. Across the eight nations polled, a median of 66%, including 90% of the French, think children today will be worse off financially than their parents when they grow up. A median of 77% believe that the economic system generally favors the wealthy. This includes 95% of the Greeks, 89% of the Spanish and 86% of the Italians. A median of 60% think the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem; that sentiment is felt by 84% of the Greeks and 75% of both the Italians and the Spanish. And a median of 85% say such inequality has increased in the past five years, a concern particularly prevalent among the Spanish (90%).

Absolute economic deprivation has long been less of an issue in Europe than in some other countries, thanks to the relatively robust European social safety net. But in the wake of economic hard times, deprivation in France is on the rise, where roughly one-in-five say they could not afford food, health care or clothing at some point in the past year.

The Southern Challenge

The euro crisis has created a southern challenge for the European Union. Spain, Italy and Greece have suffered greatly during the economic downturn. And the public mood in these countries is extremely bleak in both absolute and relative terms.

More than seven-in-ten Spanish (79%) and Greeks (72%) say economic conditions are very bad. A majority of Italians (58%) say the same. This compares with a median of 28% for the rest of Europe. More than nine-in-ten in Greece (99%), Italy (97%) and Spain (94%) think the lack of employment opportunities is a very big problem (official unemployment in January 2013 was 27.2% in Greece and in March 2013 was 26.7% in Spain and 11.5% in Italy). Fully 94% of Greeks, 84% of Italians and 69% of Spanish complain that inflation also poses a very big challenge. This compares with a median of 58% elsewhere. And roughly seven-in-ten or more in all three countries fault their leader’s handing of the economic crisis.

Such economic gloom has fed disgruntlement with the European Union. In Greece, 78% now believe that economic integration has weakened the Greek economy, a sentiment about their economy shared by 75% of the Italians and 60% of the Spanish. As a result, nearly two-thirds (65%) of Greeks and about half (52%) of the Spanish have an unfavorable view of the EU. This compares with medians of 59% who question integration and 48% who take a critical view of the EU in the other five countries surveyed.

Concern about inequality is widespread throughout Europe, particularly in the south. A view that the economic system generally favors the wealthy is shared by 95% of the Greeks, 89% of the Spanish and 86% of the Italians. Such frustration exceeds the median of 72% in the other five nations surveyed. Similarly, 84% of the Greeks and 75% of the Italians and Spanish say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big problem. That compares with a median of just 54% of the Europeans surveyed outside the region who hold such critical views.

So What to Do about the Euro Crisis?

When asked which of the economic challenges facing their countries their government should address first, people in seven of the eight nations choose the lack of employment opportunities. A median of 57% first want their elected leaders to create more jobs. And employment is a particular priority in Spain (72%), Italy (64%) and the Czech Republic (64%).

Europeans are of two minds about public debt, which has been at the center of the debate over the euro crisis since it began. A majority in six of the eight countries surveyed consider debt a very big problem. When pressed to choose between reducing public expenditures and more spending, most publics choose the former, even in Spain (67%) and Italy (59%), despite the fact that people there have already experienced cutbacks in government spending, economic contraction and record high unemployment. Across Europe a median of 59% believe that reducing public debt is the best way to solve their country’s economic problems. But a median of only 17% think debt reduction should be their government’s number one economic priority.

Some Good News

Despite rising disillusionment with the European project, the euro, the common currency for 17 of the 27 European Union members, remains in public favor. More than six-in-ten people want to keep the euro as their currency in Greece (69%), Spain (67%), Germany (66%), Italy (64%) and France (63%). And support for the euro has actually increased in Italy and Spain since last year.

Moreover, notwithstanding the fact that only 26% of the British public think being a member of the European Union has been good for their economy and just 43% hold positive views of the European Union, the British, who will hold a referendum on continued EU membership in 2017, remain evenly divided on leaving the EU: 46% say stay and 46% say go.

Differences Abound

Overall, the 2013 survey highlights more starkly than ever the differences between the views of Germans and other Europeans on a range of issues. And it underscores that, in some cases, those differences are growing. Germans feel better than others about the economy (by 66 points over the EU median), about their personal finances (by 26 points), about the future (by 12 points), about the European Union (by 17 points), about European economic integration (by 28 points) and about their own elected leadership (by 48 points).

And the survey contradicts oft-repeated narratives about the Germans: that they are paranoid about inflation, disinclined to bail out their fellow Europeans and debt-obsessed. To the contrary, Germans are among the least likely of those surveyed to see inflation as a very big problem and the most likely among the richer European nations to be willing to provide financial assistance to other European Union countries that have major financial problems. And while Germans are worried about public debt, they are more concerned about inequality and equally concerned about unemployment.

The prominent role Germans have played in Europe’s response to the euro crisis has evoked decidedly mixed emotions from their fellow Europeans. In every country except Greece, people consider Germans the most trustworthy. At the same time, in six of the eight nations surveyed, people see the Germans as the least compassionate. And in five of the eight, they are considered the most arrogant. In the wake of the strict austerity measures imposed in Greece, Greek enmity toward the Germans knows little bound. Greeks consider the Germans to be the least trustworthy, the most arrogant and the least compassionate. But the Greeks themselves do not fare that well. They are considered the least trustworthy by the French, the Germans and the Czechs.

Meanwhile, other forms of technology are also increasingly popular across the globe.  Cell phone ownership and computer usage have grown significantly over the last three years, and they have risen dramatically since 2002.

While social networking has spread globally, it is particularly widespread in the country where it began.  Among the 22 publics surveyed, Americans most often say they use websites like Facebook and MySpace: 46% use such sites; 36% use the internet, but do not access these sites; and 18% say they never go online.

The survey finds three countries close behind the United States in social network usage: in Poland (43%), Britain (43%) and South Korea (40%), at least four-in-ten adults say they use such sites.  And at least a third engage in social networking in France (36%), Spain (34%), Russia (33%) and Brazil (33%).¹

Germans and the Japanese stand out among highly connected publics for their comparatively low levels of participation in social networking.  While 31% of Germans use these types of sites, 49% go online at least occasionally but choose not to use them.  In Japan, 24% are engaged in social networking, while 44% have internet access but are not engaged.

The survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted April 7 to May 8, also finds that, while involvement in social networking is relatively low in many less economically developed nations, this is largely due to the fact that many in those countries do not go online at all, rather than disinterest in social networking in particular.  When people use the internet in middle and low income countries, they tend to participate in social networking.

For example, in both Russia and Brazil, most respondents do not go online; among those who do use the internet, however, social networking is very popular.  In both nations, 33% say they use social networking sites, while only 10% have internet access but are not involved in social networking.

The same general pattern holds true in the two African nations surveyed – in Kenya and Nigeria, when people have the opportunity to go online, they tend to use social networking sites.  Roughly one-in-five Kenyans (19%) participate in social networking, while just 5% use the internet but do not participate.  Similarly, 17% of Nigerians go to these sites, while only 7% go online but do not access such sites.

Among the 22 countries polled, social networking is least prevalent in Indonesia (6%) and Pakistan (3%).  In both nations, more than 90% of the population does not use the internet.

Demographic Differences in Social Networking

In every nation surveyed, there is a notable age gap on this issue. Social networking is especially popular among people younger than age 30 – in 12 of the countries polled, a majority of this age group uses these types of sites.  There are only three countries – Britain, Poland and the U.S. – in which most 30 to 49 year-olds are involved in social networking.  And there is no country in which even one-quarter of those age 50 and older are involved.

In 10 countries, a gap of at least 50 percentage points separates the percentage of 18 to 29 year-olds who use social networking sites and the percentage of those age 50 and older who do so.

The age gap is perhaps most striking in Germany, where 86% of people under age 30 take part in social networking, compared with 36% of 30-49 year-olds and just 8% of those 50 and older.

While it is true that the young are more likely to go online, these age gaps are not driven solely by internet usage.  Even among internet users, young people are more likely to participate in social networking.

There are relatively few gender gaps across the countries surveyed.  For the most part, men and women tend to engage in social networking at roughly the same rates.

However, there are a few exceptions, including Turkey, where about one-third of men (34%) use social networking, compared with only 19% of women.  Similarly, in Japan 30% of men report that they are involved in social networking, while just 19% of women say the same.

The U.S. is the only country in which women are significantly more likely than men to use social networking.  While 52% of American women engage in social networking, just 41% of men do so.  This gap is not driven by a difference in access – similar percentages of women (18%) and men (17%) say they do not access the internet.

Technology Trends

More people around the world are using computers and cell phones than was the case just three years ago, and the increase is especially dramatic compared with 2002.  Internet usage has also become more widespread in recent years, and more now say they send or receive email at least occasionally.

Looking across the 16 countries for which trends are available, the median percentage of people who own a cell phone has increased by 36 percentage points since 2002.  The current median is 81%, compared with 45% earlier in the decade.  In 2007, the median percentage owning cell phones across these 16 countries was 70%.

The increase in cell phone ownership has been especially dramatic in Russia.  About eight-in-ten Russians (82%) now say they own a cell phone, compared with just 8% in 2002; in 2007, about two-thirds (65%) had a cell phone.  In Kenya, cell phone ownership has increased sevenfold, from 9% in 2002 to 65% in 2010, and far more also own cell phones in Jordan (up by 59 percentage points), Argentina (49 points), China (40 points) and Indonesia (38 points) than did so in 2002.

Computer usage has also increased considerably, although at a slower pace than cell phone ownership.  Currently, across the 16 countries where trends are available the median percentage of computer users is 50%; in 2007, the median was 39% and, in 2002, a median of 32% said they used a computer at least occasionally.

In Russia, where just about one-in-five (19%) said they used a computer at least occasionally in 2002 and 36% said that was the case in 2007, nearly half (47%) now use a computer.  Four other countries have also seen a double-digit increase in computer usage compared with just three years ago.  That is the case in Argentina (from 35% in 2007 to 50% in 2010), Turkey (from 29% to 42%), China (from 40% to 50%), and Kenya (from 12% to 22%).

As people have gained more access to computers and cell phones, internet and email usage have also increased.  A median of 45% across the 18 countries for which 2007 trends are available now say they use the internet at least occasionally; three years ago, when the Pew Global Attitudes Project first asked this question, a median of 35% said that was the case.  The median percentage that sends or receives email at least occasionally has also risen, although not as steeply, from 29% in 2007 to 34% in 2010.

As is the case with cell phone ownership and computer usage, internet usage has become especially more widespread in Russia.  More than four-in-ten Russians (44%) now say they use the internet at least occasionally, compared with just a quarter in 2007.  In three of the four Western European countries surveyed – Spain, Britain and Germany – where a majority already said they used the internet three years ago, the percentage saying that is the case has increased by double digits.  For example, about two-thirds (68%) in Spain now say they use the internet; a much narrower majority (54%) said that was the case in 2007.

In six of the 18 countries for which trends are available, the percentage saying they send or receive email at least occasionally has increased by 10 percentage points or more since 2007.  In Poland, about half (51%) now say they use email, compared with just about a third (34%) three years ago, and, in Russia, twice as many say they communicate via email as said so in 2007 (33% vs. 16%).  Double-digit shifts are also evident in Spain (up 13 percentage points), Argentina (13 points), Britain (10 points) and Turkey (10 points).

While access to computers, cell phones, the internet and email has become more widespread across much of the world, fewer in Lebanon now say they use this type of technology than did so in 2007.  The declines in reported computer and email usage among Lebanese respondents are especially notable.  Just over half (52%) now say they use computers, compared with 61% in 2007; and while just about a third (35%) say they send or receive email at least occasionally, 56% said that was the case three years ago.

Young, Educated More Connected

Across the world, the adoption of these technologies is consistently more common among the young and the well-educated.  Specifically, people younger than age 30 and those with a college education are especially likely to say they use the internet and own a cell phone.  Significant differences across age and educational groups also characterize computer and email usage.

For example, while nine-in-ten Poles ages 18 to 29 utilize the internet at least occasionally, only a quarter of those 50 and older say the same.  In China, more than eight-in-ten (83%) of those ages 18 to 29 say they use the internet, compared with only 16% of those 50 and older.

The same pattern holds for cell phone ownership.  For instance, nearly all Poles under age 50 own a cell phone (96% of those ages 18 to 29 and 94% of those ages 30 to 49), but only a slim majority (53%) of those ages 50 and older say they have a mobile phone.  Similar gaps of more than 30 percentage points between the young and old appear in Lebanon, Mexico, Brazil, India and Indonesia.

Age gaps in internet usage and cell phone ownership exist in nearly all of the 22 countries polled, regardless of a country’s level of economic development or technological advancement.

The education gap in internet usage and cell phone ownership is just as striking.  In Jordan, nearly nine-in-ten (88%) of those who have attended college use the internet, while only one-in-five of those who did not attend college say the same.  Education gaps of more than 50 percentage points are also found in Egypt, Kenya, Brazil, Turkey and Mexico.

Similarly, the college educated are consistently more likely than those with less education to say they own a cell phone.  This is especially true in Pakistan, where 77% of people with at least some college education have a cell phone, compared with 35% of those without a college education.  In Mexico, 86% of those who have attended college own a cell phone, while just 45% of those who have not attended college own one.

Limited Gender Gaps

There are limited gender differences in use of technology such as computers, cell phones, and the internet.  For instance, double-digit gaps in internet usage exist in only six of the 22 nations surveyed, with men consistently more likely than women to say they use the internet.  About seven-in-ten (72%) Japanese men use the internet, but only 57% of women say the same.  And in India, while overall internet usage is low, men are twice as likely as women to say they use the internet (22% vs. 11%).  Double-digit differences also appear in Turkey, Germany, Nigeria and Kenya.

However, in most of the countries surveyed, there are no substantial gender differences in internet usage.  This holds true in countries with high technology usage, such as the United States and France, as well as in countries with less internet usage, such as China and Jordan.

There are also limited gender differences in cell phone ownership.  In all, double-digit gender gaps for cell phone ownership exist in only five of the 22 nations polled.  The largest gap is in Pakistan, where a majority of men (52%) own a cell phone, compared with about a quarter of women (23%).

Almost everywhere, solid majorities express support for gender equality and agree that women should be able to work outside the home. Most also find a marriage in which both spouses share financial and household responsibilities to be more satisfying than one in which the husband provides for the family and the wife takes care of the house and children. In addition, majorities in most countries reject the notion that higher education is more important for a boy than for a girl.

Yet, despite a general consensus that women should have the same rights as men, people in many countries around the world say gender inequalities persist in their countries. Many say that men get more opportunities than equally qualified women for jobs that pay well and that life is generally better for men than it is for women in their countries. This is especially so in some of the wealthier nations surveyed. And while majorities in nearly every country surveyed express support for gender equality, equal rights supporters in most countries say that more changes are needed to ensure that women have the same rights as men.

These are among the findings of a 22-nation survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted April 7 to May 8. This special in-depth look at views on gender equality, done in association with the International Herald Tribune, also suggests that, while egalitarian sentiments are pervasive, they are less than robust; when economically challenging times arise, many feel men should be given preferential treatment over women in the search for employment.

This is especially true in the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed as well as in India, China, South Korea and Nigeria. In these countries, solid majorities agree that women should be able to work outside the home; yet, most also agree that men should have more right to a job than women when jobs are scarce. For example, about six-in-ten in Egypt (61%) and Jordan (58%) say women should have the right to work outside the home, but even larger shares (75% and 68%, respectively) say the priority should be for men to have jobs.

In some countries, male respondents are considerably more likely than female respondents to agree that men should have more right to a job than women when jobs are scarce. For example, about nine-in-ten Egyptian men (92%) share this view, compared with 58% of Egyptian women. Similarly, while about three-quarters of Jordanian men (77%) say their sex should be more entitled to a job in tough economic times, a much slimmer majority of Jordanian women (56%) say the same.

Men and women also frequently offer diverging views on other aspects of gender equality, including a woman’s right to work outside the home and the importance of higher education for boys and girls; this gender gap is evident most consistently in the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed.

The survey also finds that women are far more likely than men to perceive gender inequalities. By double-digit margins, female respondents in 13 of 22 nations are more likely than male respondents to say men in their countries have the better life. And in most countries where majorities among both men and women agree that men get more opportunities than women for high-paying jobs, women are considerably more likely to say they completely agree that is the case.

Widespread Support for Equal Rights

Solid majorities in virtually every country surveyed say that women should have the same rights as men. This opinion is nearly unanimous in Western European and Latin American countries, as well as in the U.S., Poland, Lebanon, China, India, and South Korea; at least nine-in-ten men and women in these countries express support for gender equality.

In Egypt, where six-in-ten say the two sexes should have the same rights, men and women offer widely different views. About three-quarters (76%) of Egyptian women support gender equality, while Egyptian men are nearly evenly divided – 45% say women and men should have equal rights and 47% disagree. Double-digit gender gaps are also evident in Jordan, Indonesia, Pakistan and Kenya; still, majorities among both men and women in those countries agree that women should have the same rights as men.

Only in Nigeria does a majority (54%) reject the idea that women and men should have equal rights. This primarily reflects the views of Nigerian men; 65% say women should not have the same rights as men, while just 35% say they should. In contrast, a majority of Nigerian women (56%) endorse equality, although a substantive minority (44%) does not.

Vast Support for Women Working Outside the Home

Majorities in every country polled agree that women should be able to work outside the home. In 17 of the 22 countries, most say they completely agree with this assertion, including at least three-quarters in Brazil (88%), Britain (84%), the U.S. (81%) and Germany (79%).

Support for a woman’s right to work outside the home has increased since 2002 in four of the six countries for which trends exist. For example, 95% of Turks currently subscribe to the idea that women should be able to work outside the home while 85% did so earlier in the decade; support for this view is also more widespread since 2002 in Nigeria (+10 percentage points), Pakistan (+9 points) and Indonesia (+8 points), while Jordanian and Lebanese views have shown little change.

In a number of countries where the majority thinks women should be able to work outside the home, women are even more likely than men to strongly support this idea; this is particularly the case in some of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. For example, while 65% of women in Pakistan completely agree that women should have the option to work outside the home, only 31% of Pakistani men hold the same view. Similarly, while about one-third of women in Egypt (36%) and Jordan (34%) completely agree that women should be able to work outside the home, only about one-in-ten men in these countries embrace the same opinion. Significant gender differences also exist in South Korea, Kenya, Spain, Lebanon and Indonesia.

In Lebanon and Nigeria, views also differ along religious and sectarian lines. More Lebanese Sunnis (75%) and Christians (73%) completely agree that women should be able to work outside the home than do Lebanese Shia (63%). The gap is far larger in Nigeria where 73% of Christians are in complete agreement with the notion of a working role for women compared with 43% of Nigerian Muslims.

Egalitarian Marriage Seen as More Satisfying

In 19 of 22 countries, majorities say that a marriage where both husband and wife have jobs and take care of the house and children is a more satisfying way of life than having the husband provide financially while the wife cares for the household.

This view is particularly widespread in Western Europe, where more than eight-in-ten in France (91%), Spain (91%) and Germany (85%) agree that the preferred marital model is one where husband and wife share a family’s financial burden as well as the household and child care responsibilities. More than eight-in-ten in Brazil (84%) and Kenya (81%) and at least three-quarters in China (78%) and Mexico (76%) share this view.

Across predominantly Muslim countries, support for both spouses working is mixed. About nine-in-ten in Lebanon (92%) favor a double-income household and an egalitarian approach to tasks at home, as do 72% in Turkey. In Indonesia, the majority in favor of dual workers both inside and outside the home is narrower (56%), with 43% of Indonesians saying that a marriage where the husband provides for the family and the wife takes care of the house and children is preferable.

Egyptians and Jordanians are more divided; 48% and 47%, respectively, embrace the egalitarian approach to marriage, while about four-in-ten (38% in Egypt and 40% in Jordan) choose a more traditional arrangement. In contrast, Pakistanis are overwhelmingly of the opinion that a marriage where the husband bears the financial responsibility while the wife cares for the house and children is more satisfying; nearly eight-in-ten (79%) share this view, compared with just 18% of Pakistanis who favor a non-traditional approach.

Views of marriage have become more egalitarian since earlier in the decade in seven of the 19 countries for which trends are available. This change has been especially dramatic in Jordan, where the balance of opinion has shifted since 2002; then, 37% of Jordanians opted for a more egalitarian approach, compared with the nearly half who do so now.

In Russia, Poland, Lebanon, Mexico and the U.S., where majorities already expressed a preference for a more non-traditional marriage arrangement in 2002, even more say that is the case today. For example, about three-quarters (74%) of Russians now say that a marriage where the husband and wife both have jobs and share household responsibilities is preferable, compared with 56% in 2002. Similarly, in the U.S., 71% now hold this view, compared with 58% earlier in the decade. In Poland, where the change since 2002 has been less pronounced, opinion has shifted dramatically since 1991; currently, 68% say an egalitarian marriage is more satisfying, compared with 60% in 2002 and just 41% nearly two decades ago.

French and German views of marriage are largely unchanged from 2002, but far more in these countries – as well as in Spain, which was not surveyed in 2002 – support a more egalitarian approach to marriage than did so in 1991. Nearly two decades ago, 67% in Spain, 64% in France and 58% in Germany found a marriage where the husband and wife both had jobs and took care of the house and children to be more satisfying than one where the husband provided for the family while the wife took care of the household; today, 91% in Spain and France and 85% in Germany share this view.

In China, Pakistan and Nigeria, however, views of marriage have become more traditional since 2002. In Pakistan, the share who say a marriage where the husband works outside the home while the wife takes care of the house and children is a better way of life has increased by 16 percentage points from 63% in 2002 to 79% today. In Nigeria, where fewer now say they prefer an egalitarian marriage than did so in 2002 (61% vs. 78%), the decline in support for this approach to marriage primarily reflects a change in opinion among Muslims. Currently, 47% of Nigerian Muslims say a marriage where both husband and wife have a job and take care of the house and children is preferable; 70% expressed this view in 2002. Changes have been less pronounced among Nigerian Christians – about three-quarters (74%) favor an egalitarian approach to marriage, compared with 85% earlier in the decade.

Across most of the countries surveyed, opinions about what type of marriage brings the most satisfaction vary little, if at all, between male and female respondents. In the predominantly Muslim countries of Jordan, Egypt, Pakistan and Turkey as well as in South Korea, however, more women than men favor an egalitarian approach. For example, roughly six-in-ten women in Jordan (59%) and Egypt (58%) take an egalitarian view, compared with just under four-in-ten men in these countries (36% in Jordan and 38% in Egypt).

Preferential Treatment for Men in Tough Economic Times

Publics across the countries surveyed offer mixed views on whether men should have more of a right to a job than women during tough economic times. Majorities in 11 of 22 countries surveyed reject this idea, and this is particularly true in the U.S. and Western Europe. In Nigeria as well as in many Asian and predominantly Muslim countries, however, most respondents say that men should receive preferential treatment when jobs are scarce.

At least eight-in-ten in Spain (87%), Britain (85%), the U.S. (85%), France (80%) and Germany (80%) disagree that in tough economic times, men should have more right to a job than women. Majorities in Mexico (69%), Brazil (63%), Argentina (56%), Kenya (53%) and Poland (51%) also reject this notion.

In contrast, the view that men should have more of a right to a job than women during tough economic times is prevalent in nine of the countries surveyed. At least seven-in-ten in India (84%), Pakistan (82%), Nigeria (77%), Egypt (75%), Indonesia (74%) and China (73%) subscribe to this idea. About two-thirds in the predominantly Muslim countries of Jordan (68%) and Turkey (67%) as well as 60% in South Korea also say that men are more entitled to a job than women when jobs are scarce.

Opinions are more mixed in Lebanon and Russia, where about as many agree (51% and 47%, respectively) as disagree (49% in each country) with the notion that men should have more right to a job than women in tough economic times. Lebanese views split along religious and sectarian lines; a majority (58%) of Sunni Muslims in that country say men should receive preferential treatment when jobs are scarce, while most Lebanese Christians (63%) reject this notion. Shia Muslims are divided – 48% agree and 52% disagree that men should have more of a right to a job than women when times are tough.

In many countries, men are more likely than women to agree with the idea that men should receive preferential treatment for jobs in tough economic times. This is particularly true in Egypt; 91% of men feel they should have more right to a job than women when jobs are scarce while 58% of women hold the same opinion. While less pronounced, a similar pattern also exists in Jordan, Russia, Kenya, Nigeria, South Korea, Poland, Indonesia and Lebanon.

In Japan, the opposite pattern in gender differences is evident; women (48%) are more likely than men (33%) to agree that men should receive preferential treatment for jobs in challenging times.

Support for Educating Boys and Girls

Publics in 18 of 22 countries disagree with the notion that a university education is more important for a boy than for a girl. And in 10 of these countries, many strongly reject this idea; majorities in Lebanon (84%), Brazil (78%), Argentina (72%), Britain (71%), France (70%), Mexico (65%), Germany (64%), Spain (62%), the U.S. (60%), and Kenya (59%) completely disagree that is it more important for a boy to receive a university education.

Still, a solid majority in India (63%) and about half in Pakistan (51%), Egypt (50%) and China (48%) say that a university education is more important for a boy than for a girl, and sizeable minorities in several countries agree. For example, in Jordan, 44% agree that it is more important for a boy than a girl to get a college education; about one-third in Japan (35%), Poland (34%) and Nigeria (34%) also embrace this view.

Nigerian opinion is split along religious lines. A solid majority (81%) of Christians in that country disagree that a college education is more important for a boy than for a girl. In contrast, Nigerian Muslims are nearly evenly divided; 50% agree and 49% disagree. Muslim men and women in Nigeria offer opposing views – nearly six-in-ten (59%) Muslim men agree that it is more important for boys to receive a college education, while 60% of Muslim women in Nigeria disagree.

A considerable gender gap in views of whether a university education is more important for boys than for girls is also evident in four of the six predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. Majorities of men in Egypt and Jordan say it is more important for a boy to receive a university education (60% and 56%, respectively); 60% of women in Egypt and 67% in Jordan disagree. In Pakistan, where more than twice as many men agree (64%) as disagree (30%) that a university education is more important for boys than it is for girls, about half (48%) of women disagree and 36% agree.

The gender divide is somewhat less pronounced in Turkey. While most among both sexes in that country reject the idea that a post-secondary education is of greater importance for a boy than a girl, more women (77%) than men (62%) subscribe to an egalitarian approach to education.

In some countries where overwhelming majorities disagree that a university education is more important for a boy than for a girl, women are considerably more likely than men to say they completely disagree. This is especially true in the U.S. – seven-in-ten women completely disagree that it is more important for a boy to receive a university education, compared with just about half (49%) of American men. Women in Argentina and in all four Western European nations surveyed are also more likely than men in those countries to strongly reject the notion that it is more important for a boy to get a college education than a girl.

Wearing a Veil

In four of the seven countries where the question was asked, clear majorities of Muslims say that women should have the right to decide if they wear a veil. This view is most widespread in Turkey, Indonesia and Lebanon.

In Turkey, where a ban on veils in civic spaces and government buildings remains, support for a woman’s right to decide whether she wears a veil is nearly universal and intensely held; 96% of Muslims in Turkey agree that women should have the right to determine if they wear a head cover, including seven-in-ten who completely agree that women should have this right.

In Indonesia, where national law makes wearing a veil optional in all but the autonomous province of Aceh, an overwhelming majority of Muslims (92%) believe women should have the right to decide if they cover their heads. Similarly, 89% of Lebanese Muslims feel women should determine whether or not to don a veil. A solid majority of Muslims in Pakistan (65%) also support a woman’s right to choose whether to cover her head.

In contrast, Egyptian and Jordanian Muslims are divided. Roughly half of Muslims in Egypt (51%) and Jordan (48%) agree that women should be able to determine if they wear a head scarf while roughly half in both countries disagree (48% in Egypt and 50% in Jordan). In Jordan, support for giving women this right has declined substantially since 2008, when about six-in-ten Muslims (59%) said women should have the right to decide if they were a veil.

Nigerian Muslims are the only ones who are more inclined to disagree (53%) than agree (45%) that women should have the right to decide if they wear a head scarf. However, Nigerian Muslim opposition to a woman’s right to choose whether to don a veil is down from 2008, when 64% disagreed that women should have this right.

In four of the seven countries, Muslim women are more likely than Muslim men to support a woman’s right to choose whether to wear a head scarf. For example, while 83% of Muslim women in Pakistan agree that women should have the right to decide if they wear a veil, only 47% of Muslim Pakistani men embrace the same view. A similar gender divide exists in Jordan, Egypt and Nigeria.

Achieving Equal Rights

When respondents who favor gender equality are asked whether their country has made most of the changes needed to give women equal rights with men or if more changes are needed to achieve that goal, majorities in 18 of 22 countries say the latter. At least eight-in-ten equal rights supporters in Japan (89%), Brazil (84%), France (82%) and Spain (80%) say their countries need to continue making changes to ensure that women have the same rights as men. This view is shared nearly equally among both genders in Japan, Brazil and France; in Spain, women are considerably more likely than men to say that more changes need to be made (86% vs. 74%).

Female respondents in the U.S., Britain and Germany also offer far more negative assessments of their countries’ progress on gender equality than do male respondents. About seven-in-ten American (72%) and German (70%) women who support equality say their countries need to effect more changes to give women the same rights as men; a much slimmer majority of men in both countries (55%) say that is the case. The gender gap is somewhat narrower in Britain – three-quarters of women who favor equal rights say their country still has work to do, and 62% of men agree.

Positive perceptions of how much progress their countries have made in achieving gender equality are more prevalent among equal rights supporters in Jordan, Indonesia, India and China; more than half in those countries say that most of the changes needed to ensure this goal have already been made. In Indonesia, more men (64%) than women (53%) believe such changes have been brought about.

Who Has a Better Life?

Opinions about who has a better life – men or women –are mixed. In 10 of 22 nations, majorities or pluralities say that, all things considered, men have the better life in their countries. In 10 others, more volunteer that there is no difference than say that life is better for one sex than the other. Only in Japan and South Korea do pluralities say that life is better for women in their countries (47% and 49%, respectively).

The view that men have the better life is particularly widespread in France; three-quarters in that country say that is the case, compared with just 14% who say life is better for women and 9% who volunteer that there is no difference. A majority (55%) in Poland shares the view that men have the better life in their country, as do solid pluralities in the U.S., Germany, Spain, India, Brazil and Nigeria.

Majorities or pluralities in the six predominantly Muslim nations surveyed volunteer that life is the same for men and women in their countries. More than half in Mexico (56%) and Russia (52%) and at least four-in-ten in China (49%) and Argentina (46%) share this view.

Across much of the world, female respondents are considerably more likely than male respondents to say that men have the better life in their country. This is especially true in Turkey and Spain. More than four-in-ten Turkish women (46%) say men have it better in their country, while 16% say women do, and 36% say there is no difference; among Turkish men, however, just 19% say their sex has the better life, while 38% say women have it better and 40% say there is no difference.

Many See Inequality in Job Opportunities

The view that men get more opportunities than women for jobs that pay well, even when women are as qualified for the job, is widespread in most of the countries surveyed, particularly those that are wealthy or have recently experienced substantial economic growth. At least eight-in-ten in Germany (84%), France (80%) and Japan (80%) as well as about seven-in-ten in South Korea (70%), Britain (70%), the U.S. (68%), and Spain (68%) say men get more opportunities for high-paying jobs. Similarly strong majorities in Poland (83%), India (83%) and China (73%) say that is the case.

In contrast, many in predominantly Muslim publics reject the notion that men get more job opportunities than women. More than half in Lebanon (70%), Egypt (54%) and Indonesia (53%), as well as a 49%-plurality in Jordan, disagree that men get more opportunities than women for high-paying jobs. This opinion is also prevalent in Mexico, where 55% disagree and 43% agree that job opportunities are more widely available to men than to women.

In many countries where the view that men get more job opportunities than women predominates, female respondents are more likely than male respondents to say that is the case; in particular, women in those countries are often more inclined than men to completely agree that there is gender inequality in employment opportunities. For example, about six-in-ten women in France (61%) and Germany (60%) completely agree that men get more opportunities than women for jobs that pay well; in contrast, 37% of men in France and 39% in Germany are in complete agreement.

Ratings of Obama have declined somewhat since he first took office, even in such countries as China and Japan, where majorities continue to express confidence in the U.S. president. In France, Germany and Britain, where overall confidence in Obama is virtually unchanged from last year, fewer now say they have a lot of confidence in the U.S. president when it comes to international affairs.

When asked to give their overall evaluations of Obama’s foreign policies, strong majorities in many countries, including in the four Western European countries surveyed, approve. Still, support for Obama’s international policies is far less widespread than it was when he first took office. The percentage who approve of the U.S. president’s policies has declined by double digits in Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, China, India, Argentina, Mexico and Nigeria.

Opinions about Obama’s handling of specific policy areas are generally more negative than overall evaluations of his international policies. Obama receives especially low marks for the way he is dealing with the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, but many also disapprove of his handling of Iraq, Afghanistan and Iran. In contrast, majorities or pluralities in most countries approve of the way Obama is dealing with the global economic crisis and climate change.

Continued Confidence in Obama

President Obama continues to receive high marks in Western Europe. Nine-in-ten in Germany say they have at least some confidence in the U.S. president to do the right thing in world affairs, as do more than eight-in-ten in France (87%) and Britain (84%). Obama is also popular in Spain, where 69% express confidence in him. A similar percentage of Americans (65%) share this view.

Ratings of Obama are also overwhelmingly positive in Japan (76%), South Korea (75%), India (73%) and Indonesia (67%). Meanwhile, a much narrower majority in China (52%) expresses at least some confidence in the American president.

As was the case last year, Obama enjoys his most favorable ratings among the two African publics surveyed. Kenyans are nearly unanimous in their views of Obama – 95% have confidence in him when it comes to world affairs. Similarly, 84% of Nigerians have a lot or some confidence in Obama.

Views of Obama are more mixed in Eastern Europe and Latin America. In Poland, six-in-ten express confidence in Obama, while 27% say they have little or no confidence in the U.S. president. Russians are nearly evenly divided; 41% have confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs and 37% say they do not.

A majority of Brazilians (56%) say they have at least some confidence in Obama, a view shared by nearly half of Argentines (49%). Mexicans are evenly split; 43% express confidence in Obama and 43% do not.

Mexican opinion of Obama turned more negative following the signing of a controversial immigration bill in Arizona on April 23. Despite Obama’s criticism of the Arizona bill, more than half (52%) of Mexicans who were interviewed after its signing said they did not have much confidence in the U.S. president; 36% said they had at least some confidence in him. In contrast, nearly half (47%) of those who were interviewed prior to the signing of the Arizona legislation said they had at least some confidence in Obama; 38% did not.

In the largely Muslim countries surveyed, with the exception of Indonesia, opinions of Barack Obama are decidedly negative, but they remain, for the most part, more positive than views of his predecessor, George W. Bush. Only 8% of Pakistanis have confidence in the American president to do the right thing in world affairs; 60% lack confidence in Obama. Only about one-quarter of Jordanians (26%) and Turks (23%) and one-third of Egyptians give Obama positive ratings. And in Lebanon, where opinions of Obama are somewhat more positive than in other predominantly Muslim countries – 43% have confidence in him – more than half (56%) say they have little or no confidence.

Lebanese views of Obama reflect a religious and sectarian divide. Majorities of Christians (57%) and Sunni Muslims (61%) in that country express at least some confidence in the U.S. president to do the right thing in international affairs. By comparison, just 7% of Lebanese Shia share this view while more than nine-in-ten (93%) do not have confidence in Obama.

Confidence in Obama has declined in some predominantly Muslim countries since he first took office, dropping 10 percentage points in Turkey, 9 points in Egypt, and 5 points in Jordan. In Lebanon, confidence in Obama has fallen considerably among the Shia population, which already offered mostly negative views of the U.S. president in 2009 (7% have confidence in him vs. 26% in 2009). Lebanese Christians, however, are now more likely to say they have confidence in Obama (57% vs. 46% in 2009), while opinions among that country’s Sunnis are largely unchanged (61% vs. 65%).

Opinions are also more negative in other parts of the world. Just about half of Argentines (49%) express at least some support for the U.S. president; in 2009, a solid majority (61%) shared that view. And while confidence in Obama remains high in Japan, fewer express positive views than did so a year ago (76% vs. 85% in 2009).

Obama also enjoys less support at home. About two-thirds (65%) of Americans express at least some confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs, down from 74% a year ago. This reflects primarily a loss of support among Republicans, who were split in their views of the then-newly-elected president in 2009 – about half (48%) said they had at least some confidence in Obama to do the right thing in international affairs and 50% said they had little or no confidence in him. Today, just 32% of Republicans have confidence in the president, while 68% say they have little or no confidence in him.

Democrats are as likely as they were last year to say they have at least some confidence in Obama, but considerably fewer now say they have a lot of confidence in him (56% today vs. 74% in 2009). The decline in overall and strong support for Obama has been less dramatic among independents.

In Western Europe, where overall support for Obama is unchanged, fewer give the American president the enthusiastic endorsement they gave him when he first took office. In Germany, 46% say they have a lot of confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs, compared with 56% who expressed similar levels of support in 2009. In France, a quarter (25%) now say they have a lot of confidence in Obama, down from 34% who said the same about a year ago. And in Britain, 36% express similarly intense levels of confidence in the U.S. president in the current poll; 43% did so in 2009.

Overall Views of Obama’s Policies

Solid majorities in Western Europe offer positive overall evaluations of Obama’s international policies. More than eight-in-ten in Germany (88%) and France (84%) say they approve of Obama’s foreign policies, as do 76% in Spain and 64% in Britain. In contrast, a much narrower majority of Americans (55%) endorse the president’s international policies.

Obama’s international policies also enjoy overwhelming backing in the African countries surveyed – 89% in Kenya and 74% in Nigeria approve. Support is also high in Japan (72% approve), South Korea (70%), Indonesia (65%), Poland (64%), Brazil (59%) and India (57%).

With the exception of Indonesia, few in predominantly Muslim countries offer positive evaluations of Obama’s international policies. Just 9% in Pakistan say they approve of Obama’s policies overall; 48% disapprove. Similarly, fewer than one-in-five in Jordan (15%), Egypt (17%) and Turkey (17%) support Obama’s foreign policies. Opinions are mixed in Lebanon (44% approve and 49% disapprove). Six-in-ten Lebanese Christians and Sunnis give positive evaluations, compared with just 7% of Shia Muslims in that country.

Views of Obama’s international policies among publics in Muslim countries are considerably more negative than they were a year ago, when people in those countries already expressed less positive views than did those in other parts of the world. In Egypt, the percentage who approve of Obama’s policies has declined 21 percentage points since 2009. Double-digit drops in approval of Obama’s foreign policies are also evident in Turkey (-17 points), Jordan (-12 points) and among Lebanon’s Shia population (-19 points).

Opinions of Obama’s policies are also decidedly more negative in other parts of the world. For example, fewer than four-in-ten (37%) in Argentina now say they approve of the U.S. president’s foreign policies; soon after Obama took office, 57% of Argentines shared that view. In China, where 57% approved of Obama’s foreign policies in 2009, just 44% say the same now. And even in Britain, France and the U.S., where majorities continue to express support for Obama’s international policies, fewer do so compared with last year.

Obama’s Handling of War Zones

Opinions about Obama’s job performance with respect to the war zones of Iraq and Afghanistan are far more negative than overall evaluations of his international policies. For example, Western Europeans, who give Obama high ratings for his policies in general, offer more mixed views when asked how the American president is handling Iraq and Afghanistan.

In Germany, the same number (46%) approves as disapproves of the way Obama is handling Afghanistan, and opinions are also nearly evenly split on his handling of Iraq (47% approve and 42% disapprove). The Spanish public is also divided in its views of Obama’s job performance on Iraq and Afghanistan; 39% approve and the same number disapprove of his handling of Iraq, while just slightly more approve (44%) than disapprove (37%) of his handling of Afghanistan.

Of the Western European publics surveyed, the French are the most supportive of Obama’s handling of Iraq (57% approve) and Afghanistan (55%). Slim majorities in Britain approve of the way Obama is dealing with the two war zones (52%), as does a similar share of Americans (51%).

Obama receives overwhelmingly low ratings from publics in predominantly Muslim countries for his job performance on Iraq and Afghanistan. Just 4% in Turkey approve of how Obama is handling Iraq; 68% disapprove. His ratings on Afghanistan are similarly low; 5% of Turks approve and 62% disapprove of the way Obama is handling things in that country. Even in Indonesia, the only Muslim country where a majority offers positive overall evaluations of Obama’s international policies, 52% say they disapprove of the way Obama is handling Iraq and 53% say the same about his handling of Afghanistan.

Support for Obama’s policies in Iraq and Afghanistan is also low in the Latin American countries surveyed. Only about one-in-ten in Argentina approve of Obama’s job performance on Iraq (10%) and Afghanistan (11%). And more than twice as many Mexicans disapprove as approve of Obama’s handling of the two war zones. Obama’s ratings are somewhat higher in Brazil, but more in that country disapprove than approve of the way he is dealing with Iraq (48% vs. 29%) and Afghanistan (43% vs. 33%).

Obama’s Handling of the Middle East

Opinions about Obama’s job performance on two important issues in the Middle East – Iran and the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians – are also mixed in Western Europe. A solid majority in France (59%) approves of the way Obama is handling Iran. A much smaller share in Germany (49%), Britain (48%) and Spain (43%) share this view; still, more in those countries approve than disapprove of the way Obama is dealing with Iran.

When asked for their opinions about how Obama is handling the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, however, a slim majority of the French (51%) expresses support for the U.S. president and just slightly more Germans approve (44%) than disapprove (40%) of the way Obama is handling the issue. A 45% plurality in Spain disapproves of Obama’s handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, while the British are about evenly divided – 35% approve and 34% disapprove.

Americans are also divided in their opinions of the president’s handling of the Middle East. About as many approve (44%) as disapprove (41%) of the job Obama is doing on Iran. And when asked about Obama’s handling of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, 39% say they approve and 41% say they disapprove of the job he is doing.

Like his job performance on Iraq and Afghanistan, ratings for Obama’s handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict are extremely low in predominantly Muslim countries, as are his ratings on Iran. Nine-in-ten Lebanese express disapproval of the way Obama is dealing with the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, as do 88% of Egyptians and 84% of Jordanians. Clear majorities in Turkey (66%) and Indonesia (56%) also disapprove of Obama’s handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Publics across the Muslim world also express disapproval of how Obama is dealing with Iran. In Jordan, Obama’s approval with respect to Iran is as low as his approval on the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians (14% approve and 84% disapprove). Views of Obama’s handling of Iran also mirror views of his handling of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in Turkey (62% disapprove), Indonesia (53% disapprove) and Pakistan (52% disapprove).

In Lebanon, however, Obama’s handling of Iran receives far broader support than his handling of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians; 43% approve and 54% disapprove of the way he is dealing with Iran. Majorities of Lebanese Christians (62%) and Sunnis (61%) approve of Obama’s handling of Iran. However, Shia Muslims in Lebanon are nearly unanimous in their criticism; 98% disapprove and just 1% approve of Obama’s handling of Iran.

Obama’s Handling of the Economic Crisis and Climate Change

When asked for their opinions of Barack Obama’s handling of the global economic crisis, majorities or pluralities in 15 of 22 countries surveyed say they approve of the job the American president is doing. Kenyans and Nigerians are the most supportive of Obama’s handling of the economic crisis; 89% of Kenyans and 80% of Nigerians approve of it.

In Western Europe, about seven-in-ten (72%) Germans approve of the job Obama is doing on the economic crisis, as do 66% in France, 64% in Britain and 58% in Spain. Obama’s handling of the economic crisis also has the support of majorities in Indonesia (75%), South Korea (71%), Japan (62%), Poland (60%), India (58%) and Brazil (56%).

Americans are evenly split – 46% approve and the same number disapproves of the job the president is doing in dealing with the global economic crisis. The president’s handling of the crisis has the support of seven-in-ten Democrats, but just 18% of Republicans approve of the job he is doing. Opinions are split among independents – 44% approve and 47% disapprove of the way Obama is dealing with the global economic crisis.

Obama’s handling of the economic crisis is viewed negatively in most of the Muslim countries surveyed. About eight-in-ten Jordanians (81%) and Egyptians (80%) disapprove of his performance, as do 53% in Lebanon, 51% in Turkey, and a 43% plurality in Pakistan.

Publics in the largely Muslim countries express somewhat less negative views of Obama’s handling of climate change, but majorities in Jordan (67%) and Egypt (64%) disapprove of the job he is doing. More also disapprove than approve in Turkey (43% vs. 15%) and Pakistan (34% vs. 17%), but many in those countries do not offer an opinion. Only in Indonesia and Lebanon do majorities offer praise for the way Obama is dealing with climate change (72% and 53%, respectively).

Outside of the Muslim world, Obama receives his highest ratings on climate change in Japan (71% approve of the job he is doing), Nigeria (71%), Kenya (69%), South Korea (65%) and Germany (65%). Smaller majorities in Poland (56%) and Spain (51%) share that view.

National Discontent Widespread

People around the world are largely dissatisfied with the way things are going in their country. But this bleak mood showed some signs of easing over the last year, with levels of dissatisfaction decreasing in ten countries, staying about the same in eight and increasing in only three.

In 19 of 22 countries surveyed majorities are unhappy with their nation’s direction. At least three-quarters of Lebanese (86%), Pakistanis (84%), Kenyans (82%), Mexicans (79%), Japanese (76%) and Spanish (76%) are discontented. Roughly six-in-ten Americans also are dissatisfied.

As might be expected, some of this discontent tracks national economic fortunes. Spanish dissatisfaction has risen 31 percentage points since spring 2007, before the economic crisis hit. Additionally, there has been a 22-point rise in unhappiness in Jordan and an 18-point increase in Egypt over that period. In that three-year time frame, Spain’s growth turned sharply negative and the Egyptian and Jordanian economies slowed dramatically. Similarly, strong majorities of the Japanese have been unhappy with their nation’s direction throughout the decade as their economy has struggled.

But dissatisfaction may reflect other concerns. For example, in France dissatisfaction is somewhat lower now than before the recession, even though the economy is underperforming.

Only the Chinese are clearly satisfied with the way things are going in their country; 87% express a positive opinion. Chinese contentment is unchanged from last year, but satisfaction has improved dramatically – 39 percentage points – since the first Pew Global Attitudes survey in 2002.

Economy Recovers But Not Enough

Economists report that the world is recovering from the worst downturn since the Great Depression. But strong majorities in most nations still give their country’s current economic situation a thumbs down.

In most nations, the portion of the public that thinks their economy is doing well is only a fraction of what it was before the recession hit. In 2007, in the United States, 50% of the public thought the economy was doing well. In 2010, only 24% thinks so. Similarly, in France (13%) and Japan (12%), the portion of the public saying their economy is good is less than half the number who felt that way just three years ago.

And almost everywhere people remain fairly glum about economic conditions. Only about one-in-eight people in France, Spain, Japan and Lebanon believe economic conditions are good. And about one-in-five British, Egyptians, Pakistanis and South Koreans concur.

Nevertheless, in nearly half the countries surveyed people gave higher marks to their national economy in 2010 than in 2009.  And the number of people saying their economy was good grew sharply in some countries, by 24 percentage points in Poland and Kenya and 16 points in Germany. Only in four nations did the assessment of the national economy go down, most notably in India, by 16 points.

The Chinese are the most positive about their domestic economic situation, by far; about nine-in-ten Chinese say times are good. By comparison, in Brazil, where ratings of the national economy are the second-highest, 62% offer this positive assessment.

Unconvinced About the Future

Despite some improvement in their assessment of their current economic situation, publics remain unconvinced about the next 12 months. In most parts of the world, there has been almost no uptick in economic optimism in the last year. The exceptions are Kenya, where confidence is up 31 percentage points, Poland, where it is up 15 points, and Nigeria, where it is up 12 points.

The most hopeful about economic conditions improving over the next year are Chinese, Nigerians and Brazilians, at least three-quarters of whom are upbeat. And one-in-three Brazilians and Nigerians think their economy will improve a lot.

Pluralities in Britain, Germany and Spain also think economic conditions will get better. France is the lone exception among Western Europeans, where a plurality of the population actually expects the economy to worsen. This general European optimism is particularly notable because the survey was conducted in the last two weeks in April as the high profile public debate over the implications of the Greek economic crisis was building.

Yet, worldwide, majorities or pluralities in only 11 of 22 nations expect conditions to improve in the short run. The least optimistic are the Japanese and the Pakistanis; half of Pakistanis actually think their economy will worsen in the next 12 months. Pessimism is particularly pronounced in the Middle East as well, where about half of Lebanese, 38% of Egyptians and 35% of Jordanians foresee a bleak economic future.

Blame and Responsibility

Most people blame their own government for their current economic problems, although the Europeans are most critical of the financial sector. Despite reason to believe that the recent economic crisis emanated from the United States, people in many parts of the world are more likely to hold themselves responsible than they are to point the finger at Uncle Sam.

In most of the countries surveyed in Asia, Africa and Latin America overwhelming majorities of those who think their economy is bad say their government is responsible. About nine-in-ten Indonesians, Kenyans, Nigerians, South Koreans, Pakistanis, Mexicans and Lebanese name the government as the principal or secondary culprit for their recent economic misfortunes.

In contrast, Europeans strongly blame banks and other financial institutions for their troubles, with Germans and British the most likely to blame those institutions.

In the wake of the financial crisis that triggered the global recession, relatively few in most of these countries blame the U.S. for the downturn. People in Brazil, Indonesia, Japan, Lebanon and Nigeria, among others, are more likely to say the responsibility for their current economic problems lies with themselves and their fellow countrymen rather than with the United States.

Governments’ Poor Job

Whoever is accountable, half or more of the population in 16 of 22 countries surveyed thinks their government is doing a poor job dealing with the economy. This includes more than two-thirds of the people in Japan (84%), Korea (72%), Egypt (72%), Lebanon (71%), Spain (69%) and Argentina (68%). But only half of Americans (50%) express such dissatisfaction. And Americans are more likely to say their government is doing a good job than people in 14 of the 21 other nations polled.

Satisfaction with government’s management of the economy tracks a positive assessment of the current economy and high hopes for the future. The Chinese, Brazilians and Indians are all among the most upbeat about economic conditions, the most optimistic about the next 12 months and most likely to praise their public officials’ handling of the economy.

People in most major advanced economies would like their governments to do more, at least when it comes to regulating the financial sector. This is particularly the case in Western Europe, where overwhelming majorities – 91% in Germany, 85% in Britain, 78% in France and 72% in Spain – think it would be a good idea for the government to more strictly regulate the way large financial companies, such as banks, do business. A smaller portion of Americans (62%) agree. However, the Asians surveyed are not so sure more regulation is in order. Barely half of South Koreans (52%) and only a third of Japanese (34%) think tighter strictures are a good idea.

A Europe Divided

The economic crisis has affected attitudes in Europe, where Europeans are of two minds: They are supportive of the main institutions of a united Europe and skeptical about European economic integration.

European attitudes toward the EU remain largely positive. Strong majorities of Poles (81%), Spanish (77%), French (64%) and Germans (62%) and a plurality of the British (49%) see the EU in a favorable light, sentiment that is largely unchanged from 2009. And overall approval is stable even in France, where a quarter of the public thinks the European Union is the principal or secondary cause of France’s current economic problems.

And the financial market turbulence recently afflicting the euro has not undermined public support for the single European currency. Only about a third of French (34%), Germans (32%) and Spanish (30%) would like to return to their original national currencies.

But Europeans disagree over providing financial assistance to other EU members that face major financial problems (interviews were conducted prior to the May 9 EU decision to provide financial assistance to Greece). The British (61%) and Germans (56%) oppose such aid, while the French (53%) support it. As might be expected, those who view the EU favorably in all three nations overwhelmingly back assistance.

The bailout is clearly a partisan issue in Britain, less so in Germany and not nearly as politically divisive in France. A majority of British who identify themselves as on the left of the political spectrum support providing financial assistance to fellow EU countries in distress. Only a third of British conservatives agree. And in both Britain and Germany, it is the lukewarm backing for aid by moderates that undermines overall public support for such action.

However, with respect to Greece, the initial recipient of aid from other European Union governments, only in Germany is anti-bailout sentiment accompanied by a preponderance of negative views of that debt-strapped nation. A majority of Germans (52%) have an unfavorable view of Greece, while majorities of French (65%) and British (60%) and half the Spanish (50%) still hold favorable views.

More broadly, despite generally positive support for the European Union, nearly two-thirds of the French (63%) and more than half the British (57%) think their economy has been weakened by European integration. Germans are evenly divided on the issue. A bare majority of Spanish say their economy has been strengthened. Only the Poles (68%) credit a united Europe with strengthening their economy.

Moreover, negative views about economic integration have grown over the years in Western Europe, by 23 percentage points in Spain, 19 points in France and 19 points in Britain since 1991. And, especially in Britain, sentiment on this issue divides along ideological lines. A slim majority (52%) of people on the left of the British political spectrum think European economic integration has strengthened their country, while only 28% of centrists and 33% of those on the right agree.

Markets and Globalization

Contrary to widespread fears that the global recession would undermine public support for free markets and globalization, backing remains strong. Majorities in 19 of the 22 nations surveyed think people are better off in a free market economy, even though some people are rich and some people are poor. The strongest support is in China (84%) and Nigeria (82%), where eight-in-ten people back capitalism. Only in Japan (55%) does a majority disagree that most people are better off in free markets. Overall, support for a market-based economy is up in nine nations and down in seven, with the largest improvement in Nigeria (16 percentage points) and the greatest erosion of support in Kenya (12 points).

Overwhelming majorities in most countries say growing world trade is good for their country. The weakest such backing is in Egypt and the U.S., where only about two-thirds of the public favors economic globalization. But support for trade among Americans of all political persuasions has increased since 2008. And, contrary to the widely held view that Republicans are free traders and Democrats are protectionists, 75% of self-identified Democrats say trade is good for the U.S., up four percentage points from 2009, compared with only 61% of Republicans and 63% of independents, whose support remained unchanged.

With trade held in a favorable light by a large portion of the global public, the intensity of such feelings may be a better indicator of sentiment. More than six-in-ten Pakistanis (63%), half of Turks and almost as many Indians (47%), Kenyans (46%) and Lebanese (46%) say trade is very good for their country. But Americans (17%) and Japanese (16%) are far less passionate.

In one sign of the adverse impact of the global recession on China’s exports and thus on people’s jobs, only one-in-five Chinese now think trade is very good for China, down from 38% in 2007, before the downturn in world trade.

Which Is the Leading Economic Power?

In the global marketplace, majorities or pluralities in 14 of 22 nations think the U.S. is the world’s leading economic power. This view is especially common among South Koreans (77%), Turks (69%), Kenyans (61%), and Indians (60%). The U.S. is named least often as the world’s leading economic power in Germany (18%). The greatest falloff over the last year has been in Jordan, where the percentage naming the U.S. declined from 49% to 30%, and in Japan where it dropped from 58% to 40%.

China is clearly on the rise. Majorities or pluralities in eight nations say China is the economic leader. In 2009, people in only two countries saw China in that role. Today, roughly half of Germans (51%), Jordanians (50%), Japanese (50%) and French (47%) and 44% of the British assign the top spot to China. Even in the U.S., about equal proportions of the public accord economic superpower status to America (38%) and China (41%).

Since 2009, in 13 of the 21 countries for which trends are available, the portion of the public that views China as the world’s leading economic power has grown, including increases of 29 percentage points in Japan, 23 points in Germany and 21 points in Jordan. China scored significant gains in all the nations surveyed in the European Union and in the Middle East, the two regions where people are most likely to accord China the leading economic role.

But opinions in Asia vary. The perception that China’s is the world’s economic leader is highest in Japan (50%). However, only one-in-ten Indians (11%), one-in-seven South Koreans (15%) and one-in-five Pakistanis (21%) and Indonesians (20%) agree that China is the world’s leading economic power. The Chinese themselves are actually slightly less likely to place their country in the top position today (36%) than they were a year ago (41%).

The European Union is almost nowhere seen as an equal to the U.S. or China, with perceptions of the EU’s leading role mostly in single digits. The lone exception is in India, which has an equally low regard for both China and the EU. In both the U.S. and China, only 6% see the EU as the global economic leader. European publics’ faith in the EU as an economic superpower has also been undermined. The portion of the German public that sees the Brussels-based institution as the world’s top economic power has dropped from 36% to 19% in just the last year.

Opposition to Iran’s nuclear weapons program is widespread, and many in Iran’s backyard express concern that a nuclear-armed Iran would pose a serious threat to their nations. In nearly every country surveyed, those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons say they would approve of tougher international economic sanctions to try to prevent Iran from developing such weapons. Opponents of Iran’s nuclear weapons program are less willing to consider military force as an option in dealing with the issue. Still, in 16 of 22 countries, among those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran, more say they might back military action than reject that possibility.

Iran Image Largely Negative

More than eight-in-ten in Germany (86%) and France (81%) view Iran unfavorably, as do 73% in Spain; a somewhat smaller majority in Britain (58%) shares this opinion. Majorities in the Asian countries surveyed, with the exception of the largely Muslim countries of Pakistan and Indonesia, also express negative views of the Islamic Republic; three-quarters in Japan, 60% in China and 55% in both South Korea and India give Iran an unfavorable rating.

More than six-in-ten in Brazil (65%) and Poland (62%) express negative views of Iran, as does a slim 51%-majority in Argentina (only 13% have a favorable view and 36% do not offer an opinion). Views are more divided in Russia; a 45% plurality rates Iran unfavorably while 36% give it positive ratings.

Iran receives low marks in four of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. More than six-in-ten Egyptians (66%) and Jordanians (63%) have an unfavorable opinion of Iran; 60% in Lebanon and about the same share in Turkey (58%) also express negative views. Pakistanis and Indonesians, on the other hand, offer positive opinions. About seven-in-ten (72%) in Pakistan have a favorable view of Iran; just 9% have an unfavorable view. In Indonesia, 62% give Iran positive rating, while about a quarter (26%) express negative views. Nearly as many Nigerians rate Iran unfavorably (41%) as rate it favorably (44%).

In Nigeria and Lebanon, opinions of Iran are divided along religious and sectarian lines. Nigerian Muslims are about twice as likely to offer positive views (62%) as they are to offer negative views of Iran (29%). In contrast, the balance of opinion is unfavorable among Nigerian Christians – half give the Islamic Republic a negative rating and just 29% give it a positive review.

Opinions of Iran are even more negative among Christians in Lebanon; 83% have unfavorable views. Overall views are more divided among Muslims in that country (54% favorable and 46% unfavorable), but there are sharp differences in opinion between Lebanese Sunnis and Shia. More than eight-in-ten (83%) Sunni Muslims in Lebanon have a negative opinion of Iran, a largely Shia nation. In contrast, Lebanese Shia are nearly unanimous in their positive views of Iran; 95% give it a favorable rating.

Views of Iran’s Leader

Publics in countries with a large Muslim population express mixed opinions about Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Majorities in Egypt (72%), Jordan (66%), Lebanon (63%) and Turkey (60%) lack confidence in the Iranian president to do the right thing regarding world affairs. In Indonesia, however, many more say they have at least some confidence in Ahmadinejad than say they do not (50% vs. 28%). Views of the Iranian leader are also, on balance, positive in Pakistan – 35% express confidence in him, while 21% do not – but fully 45% in that country do not offer an opinion. And in Nigeria, respondents are evenly split – 35% offer a positive rating and the same number offer a negative rating of Iran’s president.

As is the case with opinions about Iran, views of its leader in Lebanon and Nigeria reflect religious and sectarian divides. In Lebanon, overwhelming majorities of Christians and Sunnis express little or no confidence in Ahmadinejad to do the right thing in world affairs (86% and 88%, respectively); in contrast, nearly all Shia Muslims (93%) say they have confidence in the Iranian president. Among Nigerians, about twice as many Christians lack confidence in Ahmadinejad as express confidence in him (42% vs. 20%). Nigerian Muslims, on the other hand, are about twice as likely to say they have confidence in Iran’s leader as they are to say they do not (51% vs. 25%).

Opposition to Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program

Majorities in nearly every country surveyed oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons. At least nine-in-ten in Britain (90%), Germany (98%), France (95%) and Spain (94%) share this view. Opposition to Iran’s nuclear program is similarly strong in Japan (96%) and the United States (94%).

More than eight-in-ten in Poland (87%), South Korea (87%), Mexico (86%), Argentina (86%), Brazil (85%) and Russia (81%) also oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program. Smaller but substantial majorities in China (65%), Kenya (61%) and Nigeria (58%) express opposition to Iran obtaining nuclear weapons. Nigerian views are divided along religious lines. About three-quarters (74%) of Nigerian Christians oppose a nuclear-armed Iran, while just 17% support it; among Nigerian Muslims, however, more favor than oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program (48% vs. 41%).

Resistance to a nuclear-armed Iran is less pronounced in India. Nearly half (48%) of Indians oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program, while 33% favor it. In 2007, the last time this question was asked in India, about two-thirds (66%) in that country expressed opposition to a nuclear-armed Iran; 21% expressed support. In no other country have opinions of Iran’s nuclear weapons program changed so significantly.

Publics in almost all of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed are opposed to Iran acquiring nuclear weapons, including at least six-in-ten in Egypt (66%), Lebanon (64%), Turkey (63%) and Indonesia (60%). A narrower majority in Jordan (53%) shares this view. Still, substantial minorities in these countries say they would favor a nuclear-armed Iran, including nearly four-in-ten (39%) Jordanians.

Of the 22 countries surveyed, only in Pakistan is there widespread support for Iran obtaining nuclear weapons. About six-in-ten Pakistanis (58%) favor and just 10% oppose Iran acquiring such weapons. Support for a nuclear-armed Iran is even stronger among Lebanon’s Shia population – 91% would favor it – but overwhelming majorities of Christians (88%) and Sunnis (88%) in that country would oppose it.

Does a Nuclear-Armed Iran Pose a Threat?

While there is clear opposition to Iran’s nuclear weapons program in many of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, opinions about whether such weapons would pose a direct threat to these countries are more mixed. Concerns are greatest in Lebanon, where 57%, including solid majorities of Christians (82%) and Sunni Muslims (76%), say Iran would pose a serious threat to their country if it acquired nuclear weapons. Lebanon’s Shia population offers a much different view, however; almost all (95%) say a nuclear-armed Iran would pose, at worst, a minor threat to their country.

Slim majorities in Indonesia (53%) and Egypt (52%) believe that Iran would pose a serious threat to their countries if it obtained nuclear weapons; about half (49%) of Turks share this concern. In contrast, nearly six-in-ten Jordanians (58%) and about the same percentage in Pakistan (56%) do not see a nuclear-armed Iran as a potential threat.

In Nigeria, where the population is split roughly evenly between Muslims and Christians, opinions about a potential threat from Iran vary along religious lines. Overall, 63% of Nigerians say that Iran would pose a serious threat to their country if it acquired nuclear weapons. There is clear concern among Nigerian Christians – 81% see Iran’s nuclear weapons program as a threat to their countries. Muslims are divided – 45% say Iran would pose a serious threat to Nigeria if it obtained nuclear weapons and about the same number (46%) say Iran would not pose much of a threat to their country.

Support for Economic Sanctions

In 19 of 22 countries, majorities of those who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program say they would approve of tougher international economic sanctions on Iran to try to prevent it from developing such weapons. Support for tighter economic sanctions is especially prevalent in the U.S. (85% approve), but an overwhelming percentage of those who are opposed to a nuclear-armed Iran in the Western European countries surveyed also share this view. At least three-quarters in Spain (79%), Germany (77%), Britain (78%) and France (76%) endorse economic sanctions.

Two-thirds of Russians who would not like to see Iran acquire nuclear weapons say they would favor tougher sanctions against the Islamic Republic, as do 72% in Poland. Support for stricter economic sanctions is also widespread in Kenya (65% approve) and Nigeria (78%) among those who oppose Iran’s nuclear program. Nigerian Christians are more likely than Muslims in that country to approve of tougher sanctions, but majorities in both groups share this view (83% and 69%, respectively).

In Latin America, majorities of those who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program in the three countries surveyed approve of the use of tougher economic sanctions. About seven-in-ten (71%) Mexicans express that opinion, as do 65% of Brazilians and 57% of Argentines.

Support for tighter economic sanctions against Iran is also evident among those who oppose a nuclear-armed Tehran in most of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed. About seven-in-ten (72%) Egyptians approve of tougher economic sanctions; the same percentage in Lebanon shares this view, including 82% of Christians and 65% of Sunni Muslims (the number of Shia Muslims who were asked this question is too small to analyze because support for Iran’s nuclear weapons program among that group is nearly universal). Six-in-ten Indonesians and a slightly higher percentage of Jordanians (66%) who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons are in favor of tougher economic sanctions to try to prevent it from happening.

Turks who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program are divided on the issue of tougher international economic sanctions – 44% favor them as a way to try to stop Iran from developing nuclear weapons, while 40% oppose them. Among the small minority of Pakistanis who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program, few support increased economic sanctions on Iran; just 19% of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran favor the use of tougher sanctions, while 62% oppose it.

Opinions are somewhat more mixed across the Asian countries surveyed. About three-quarters (76%) of South Koreans who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program would like to see tougher economic sanctions; 66% in Japan say the same. In China, 58% of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran approve of increased sanctions; about one-third (32%) disapprove. And Indians are nearly evenly split – 46% favor tougher economic sanctions to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons and just slightly more (49%) oppose it.

Mixed Views of Military Option

While support for military action against Iran is less widespread than support for tougher economic sanctions, majorities or pluralities of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran in 16 of 22 countries surveyed are willing to consider using military force to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. Only in five countries do more among those who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program say that avoiding a military conflict with Iran, even if it means it may develop these weapons, should be the priority.

Americans are among the most supportive of a military option to deal with Iran; 66% of those who oppose a nuclear-armed Iran would consider the use of force. Only in Nigeria is there more support for this view (71%).

Western Europeans who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program express more mixed views regarding what should be the priority in dealing with the Islamic Republic. Close to six-in-ten (59%) in France would consider the use of military force to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, but a sizeable minority (41%) rejects this option.

About half in Germany (51%), Spain (50%) and Britain (48%) would support military efforts against Iran in order to stop its nuclear weapons program, but more than one-third in these countries (39%, 34% and 37%, respectively) say it is more important to avoid a military conflict with Iran, even if it results in a nuclear-armed Tehran.

Majorities of those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons in Egypt (55%) and Jordan (53%) and pluralities in Lebanon (44%) and Indonesia (39%) express support for the use of military force in order to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. In Turkey, however, more say that avoiding a military conflict with Iran should be the priority; nearly four-in-ten (37%) take that position, while 29% would consider the use of military force against Iran.

Of the few Pakistanis who say they do not want to see a nuclear-armed Iran, about a third (34%) say avoiding a military conflict with Iran should be the priority; fewer (21%) say it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action.

Most Japanese (55%) who oppose Iran’s nuclear weapons program say the priority should be to avoid a military conflict; 34% are willing to consider the use of military force. In China, 43% reject taking military action to deal with Iran, while 35% say preventing Iran from developing nuclear weapons is more important, even if military action is needed.

India is the only country surveyed where there is greater support for the use of military force than for tougher economic sanctions to try to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons among those who oppose Iran obtaining such weapons. Just over half (52%) of Indians who would not like to see a nuclear-armed Tehran say it is more important to stop it from acquiring nuclear weapons, even if it means taking military action; 39% say avoiding a military conflict with Iran is more important.

The survey also finds that the Chinese are overwhelmingly positive in their attitudes towards the U.S. Large majorities see an improvement in the relations between the two countries and characterize their interactions as cooperative.

However, as most of Europe and the U.S. still face varying degrees of hardship resulting from the economic downturn, China’s accelerated growth continues to generate concerns about its economic power. Publics in most countries also believe that China’s military prowess is a bad thing for their country.

Lukewarm Ratings for China in West

After a slight improvement in favorability ratings in 2009, views of China have held steady in most countries surveyed. In both the U.S. and Western Europe, fewer than half view China positively. Majorities in Germany (61%) and France (59%) give China an unfavorable rating.

Elsewhere in Western Europe, China’s image has worsened in Britain, making it at par with 2008 levels. Spain is the only Western European country surveyed where views of China have improved steadily since 2008. While only 31% of the respondents evaluated China in a positive light in 2008, this number increased to four-in-ten in 2009 and now stands at nearly half (47%).

China receives high marks from both African countries surveyed; 86% of Kenyans and three-fourths of Nigerians have a favorable opinion. Russians also remain largely positive towards China (60%), as do majorities in Middle Eastern countries.

In Asia, strong majorities view China positively in Pakistan (85%) and Indonesia (58%). Among China’s BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) counterparts, Indians remain the most negative in their views of China. Slightly more than one-third (34%) of Indians view China favorably, a significant decline since 2009, when nearly half (46%) said the same.

Few in Japan and South Korea view China in a positive light. Only 38% of South Koreans and slightly more than one-quarter (26%) among the Japanese say that they have a favorable view of China. In fact, among the countries surveyed, Japan is the most likely to view China unfavorably (69%).

China as a Partner

While majorities in the U.S. and Western Europe consider China neither a partner nor an enemy, large majorities among African countries, as well as sizeable numbers in the three Latin American countries polled, view China as a partner.

More than half of the respondents in the U.S. (52%), Spain (53%) and Germany (55%) and roughly seven-in-ten in Britain (71%) and France (70%) see China as neither a partner nor an enemy. Even though only one-quarter of Americans see China as a partner, this reflects a 12-percentage-point increase since 2008, when the question was last asked.

Consistent with their positive views of China, strong majorities in both African countries surveyed are likely to see China as a partner, including 84% in Kenya and 75% in Nigeria. Meanwhile, in Latin America, more than four-in-ten Brazilians (45%), Argentines (42%) and Mexicans (42%) hold this view.

China is also considered a partner in Pakistan (84%) and Indonesia (54%). Other Asian countries, however, are more wary of China. Indians are the most likely among the countries surveyed to consider China an enemy (44%) and only 32% consider the country a partner. In fact, Indians have become more distrustful of China since 2009, when more than four-in-ten (43%) saw the country as a partner. In South Korea as well, more than one-third consider China an enemy (35%), although a roughly similar proportion do not consider China either an enemy or a partner (38%). While only 32% of the respondents in Japan consider China a partner, this reflects a significant increase since 2009, when less than one-quarter (23%) saw China in this positive role.

Among the Middle Eastern countries surveyed, respondents in Jordan are the most likely to consider China a partner (47%).

Views of China’s Economic and Military Power

Concerns about China’s economic might are high among publics in the U.S. and Europe. In most of these countries, majorities or pluralities consider China’s growing economy a bad thing for their countries. Respondents in France are the most likely of all the countries surveyed to be concerned about China’s economic prowess (67%). In Britain, the public is divided on this issue, while in Russia, a plurality think China’s growing economy is a good thing for their country (49%).

In several developing countries, majorities consider China’s growing economic strength a good thing. Notable exceptions are Turkey (60%) and India (56%), where majorities are concerned about China’s economic might. Majorities or pluralities in every Middle Eastern, African and Latin American country surveyed see China’s growing economy as a good thing for their country. In Asia, Pakistan, Indonesia and Japan are also largely positive

about China’s growth, while opinions are divided in South Korea.

Concern about China’s growing economy has declined in seven of 21 countries surveyed. In Mexico, nearly half evaluated Chinese economic might as a bad thing for their country in 2008, compared with roughly one-third (34%) now. A similar drop is seen in Jordan, with somewhat smaller declines in Japan, South Korea, the U.S., Argentina and Russia.

In some countries, however, there is now greater concern about China’s economic power. For example, a majority of Indians (56%) now say that China’s growing economy is a bad thing for their country and just 34% say it is a good thing. In 2008, opinions were nearly evenly split; 45% of Indians were concerned about China’s economic growth and 42% were not.

With few exceptions, the publics in this survey worry about China’s growing military might. Consistent with their overall views of China, Japan and South Korea remain among the most likely to evaluate China’s growing military might as a bad thing for their countries (88% and 86% respectively). The French are also similarly concerned (87%). In India, a nation that fought a brief war with China in the early 1960s, concern about China’s military strength stands at more than six-in-ten (64%).

Large majorities in Europe and the U.S. have a negative view about China’s growing military prowess. Yet, publics in a few countries surveyed widely consider China’s military growth a good thing for their countries. Pakistanis, who have benefited from the acquisition of Chinese arms and military technology in the past, are among the most positive: 70% consider China’s growing military might a good thing. Opinions about China’s military strength are also positive in the African countries surveyed. More than six-in-ten among both Kenyans (66%) and Nigerians (64%) think that China’s growing military strength is a good thing for their country.

Chinese Say Relations With U.S. Are Good

Chinese views of the U.S. are largely positive. Chinese respondents widely believe that relations between the two countries have improved. Chinese respondents are also likely to see the relationship between their country and the U.S. as one of cooperation.

More than seven-in-ten (73%) Chinese say that relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years, while only 18% think that relations have not improved. A majority of Chinese also have a positive view of the U.S. (58%). By contrast, fewer than half of Americans have a positive view of China (49%). Further, a wide majority of Chinese (68%) considers the relationship between the two countries as one of cooperation, while only 8% evaluate it as one of hostility.

As the global economy begins to rebound from the great recession, people around the world remain deeply concerned with the way things are going in their countries. Less than a third of the publics in most nations say they are satisfied with national conditions, as overwhelming numbers say their economies are in bad shape. And just about everywhere, governments are faulted for the way they are dealing with the economy.

Yet in most countries, especially in wealthier nations, President Barack Obama gets an enthusiastic thumbs up for the way he has handled the world economic crisis. The notable exception is the United States itself, where as many disapprove of their president’s approach to the global recession as approve.

This pattern is indicative of the broader picture of global opinion in 2010. President Barack Obama remains popular in most parts of the world, although his job approval rating in the U.S. has declined sharply since he first took office.¹ In turn, opinions of the U.S., which improved markedly in 2009 in response to Obama’s new presidency, also have remained far more positive than they were for much of George W. Bush’s tenure.

Ratings of America are overwhelmingly favorable in Western Europe. For example, 73% in France and 63% in Germany say they have a favorable view of the U.S. Moreover, ratings of America have improved sharply in Russia (57%), up 13 percentage points since 2009, in China (58%), up 11 points, and in Japan (66%), up 7 points. Opinions are also highly positive in other nations around the world including South Korea (79%), Poland (74%), and Brazil (62%).

The U.S. continues to receive positive marks in India, where 66% express a favorable opinion, although this is down from last year when 76% held this view. America’s overall image has also slipped slightly in Indonesia, although 59% still give the U.S. a positive rating in the world’s largest predominantly Muslim nation.

Publics of other largely Muslim countries continue to hold overwhelmingly negative views of the U.S. In both Turkey and Pakistan – where ratings for the U.S. have been consistently low in recent years – only 17% hold a positive opinion. Indeed, the new poll finds opinion of the U.S. slipping in some Muslim countries where opinion had edged up in 2009. In Egypt, America’s favorability rating dropped from 27% to 17% – the lowest percentage observed in any of the Pew Global Attitudes surveys conducted in that country since 2006.

Closer to home, a special follow-up poll found America’s favorable rating tumbling in Mexico in response to Arizona’s enactment of a law aimed at dealing with illegal immigration by giving police increased powers to stop and detain people who are suspected of being in the country illegally. Only 44% of Mexicans gave the U.S. a favorable rating following the signing of the bill, compared with 62% who did so before the bill passed.

The new survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted April 7 to May 8, also finds that overall opinion of Barack Obama remains broadly positive in most non-Muslim nations. In these countries, the national median confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs is 71%, and overall approval of his policies is 64%. In particular, huge percentages in Germany (88%), France (84%), Spain (76%) and Britain (64%) say they back the president’s policies. Similarly in the two African nations polled Obama gets high marks – 89% of Kenyans and 74% of Nigerians approve of his international policies.

Muslims Grow Disillusioned About Obama

Among Muslim publics – except in Indonesia where Obama lived for several years as a child –  the modest levels of confidence and approval observed in 2009 have slipped markedly. In Egypt the percentage of Muslims expressing confidence in Obama fell from 41% to 31% and in Turkey from 33% to 23%. Last year only 13% of Pakistani Muslims expressed confidence in Obama, but this year even fewer (8%) hold this view. And while views of Obama are still more positive than were attitudes toward President Bush among most Muslim publics, significant percentages continue to worry that the U.S. could become a military threat to their country.

Obamamania Tempers

In countries outside of the Muslim world, where the president’s ratings remain generally positive, his standing is not quite as high in 2010 as it was a year ago. The new poll found fewer in many Asian and Latin American countries saying they have confidence in Obama and approve of his policies generally, and even in Europe the large majorities responding positively to his foreign policy are not quite as large as they were in 2009.

Besides declines in overall confidence in some countries, strong endorsement of Obama eroded in countries where he remains broadly popular. Notably, in Britain, France, Germany, and Japan, fewer this year say they have a lot of confidence in Obama’s judgment regarding world affairs, while more say some confidence; still there was no increase in the percentage expressing no confidence in Obama in these countries.

Even though Obama has called the Arizona immigration law “misdirected,” it is nonetheless having a negative impact on views of him in Mexico. Prior to the law’s passage, 47% of Mexicans had confidence in Obama’s international leadership, but after passage only 36% held this view. More specifically, 54% of Mexicans say they disapprove of the way Barack Obama is dealing with the new law, and as many as 75% say that about Arizona Gov. Jan Brewer.

Disagreeing While Not Disapproving

Perhaps more significant than Obama’s small declines in ratings is that a generally positive view of him and the U.S. coexists with significant concerns about the American approach to world affairs and some key policies. This was not the case in the global surveys taken during President Bush’s terms in office, when specific criticism ran hand in hand with anti-American and anti-Bush sentiment.

Then, as now, one of the most frequent criticisms of U.S. foreign policy is that in its formulation it does not take into account the interests of other countries. This is the prevailing point of view in 15 of 21 countries outside of the U.S. Somewhat fewer people in most countries level this charge than did so during the Bush era. Currently, the median number saying that the U.S. acts unilaterally is 63%; in 2007 a median of 67% expressed that view.

Mixed Reactions to American Policies

In contrast to the Bush years, there is substantial majority support for U.S. anti-terrorism efforts in Britain, France, Spain and Germany. The new poll also found major increases in support of the American efforts in two countries that have been struggling with terrorism of late: Indonesia and Russia, where roughly seven-in-ten say they back the U.S. in this regard. Publics in India, Brazil, Kenya and Nigeria also express strong support for U.S.-led efforts to combat terrorism. However, opposition to these policies is particularly strong in most Muslim countries, and it is also substantial in many nations where the U.S. is fairly well-regarded, including Japan and South Korea.

The war in Afghanistan remains largely unpopular. In Germany, which has the third largest contingent of allied troops in Afghanistan, nearly six-in-ten people favor withdrawal from that country. Opinions are more divided in NATO allies Britain, France and Poland. In most other countries surveyed, majorities or pluralities also oppose the NATO effort.

Global opinion of Barack Obama’s dealing with world trouble spots parallels general opinion of U.S. policies in these areas. With regard to Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran, the polling found as many countries approving as disapproving of his handling of these issues. However, the American president gets his worst ratings for dealing with another world problem for which the U.S. is often criticized: the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Of 22 nations surveyed including the U.S., in only three nations do majorities approve of Obama’s handling of the dispute: France, Nigeria and Kenya.

In sharp contrast to criticisms and mixed reviews of Obama’s handling of geo-political problems, Obama not only gets good grades for the way he has handled the world economic crisis, but also for dealing with climate change. In most countries, people approve of Obama’s climate change efforts. France is a notable exception, with a 52%-majority disapproving, despite the country’s approval of his other policies.

Modest Economic Optimism

Global publics are mostly glum about the way things are going in their countries. And, despite signs of economic recovery in many parts of the world, people nearly everywhere, with the notable exception of China, India and Brazil, complain that their national economy is doing poorly. Moreover, there is little optimism about the economic future. And in the wake of Europe’s sovereign debt crisis, more Europeans say integration has hurt their economies, although overall ratings for the EU remain favorable.

In 20 of 22 countries surveyed, less than half the population is satisfied with the direction of the country, including only 30% of Americans. Lebanese (11%) are the least satisfied. Only in China does an overwhelming portion of the population (87%) express satisfaction with national conditions. Overall, assessments are up in nine countries and down in only five.

Few people are happy with the current state of their national economy. In only four countries: China (91%), Brazil (62%), India (57%) and Poland (53%) do publics say economic conditions are good. All four of these nations weathered the global recession relatively well. Economic gloom is most widespread in Japan, France, Spain and Lebanon, where roughly one-in-eight believes the economy is doing well. But there are signs that an economic recovery may be taking hold. In ten of the countries surveyed, people’s assessment of the economy improved significantly from 2009 to 2010. Only in four nations did it recede.

Still, global publics are taking a wait-and-see attitude about the economic future. In only seven of 22 societies does a majority of those surveyed think economic conditions will improve over the next year. The economic bulls in the survey are the Chinese (87%), Nigerians (76%) and Brazilians (75%). The Japanese (14%) are the most bearish.

Disgruntled people generally fault their government for their country’s economic troubles, although many also blame banks and themselves; few blame the U.S. The most satisfied with their government’s economic performance are also those who have experienced some of the strongest growth in the last year. Roughly nine-in-ten Chinese (91%) say Beijing is doing a good job. Indians (85%) and Brazilians (76%) are also quite pleased with their government’s economic management.

Despite some of the worst recent economic conditions since the Depression, support for free markets remains strong, with some of the most tepid backing in Argentina (40%) and Japan (43%). And people continue to favor trade and globalization, with the weakest – but still majority – support in Turkey (64%) and the U.S. (66%).

China Ascendant

A growing number of people around the globe see China’s economy as the most powerful in the world. Looking at the 20 countries surveyed in each of the last three years, China’s economic star keeps rising. The median number naming China as the world’s leading economy has risen from 20% to 31%. Meanwhile, the percentage naming the U.S. has dropped from 50% to 43%. The publics of the countries surveyed vary in their views of China’s growing economic clout. In the West, opinion is divided in Britain, while majorities in Germany, France and Spain and a plurality in the U.S. see China’s economic strength as a bad thing for their country.

The Pakistanis (79%), Indonesians (61%) and Japanese (61%) regard China’s rising economic power as a positive development. Indians and to a lesser extent South Koreans do not. Latin American, Middle Eastern and African publics see their countries benefiting from China’s economic growth. The Turks (18%) overwhelmingly see it the other way.

China is clearly the most self-satisfied country in the survey. Nine-in-ten Chinese are happy with the direction of their country (87%), feel good about the current state of their economy (91%) and are optimistic about China’s economic future (87%). Moreover, about three-in-four Chinese (76%) think the U.S. takes into account Chinese interests when it makes foreign policy.

Europeans on Europe

In the midst of growing economic concerns in Europe, there is little indication of a broad public backlash against the European Union. Large majorities in Poland, Spain, France and Germany and nearly half in Britain remain supportive of the Brussels-based institution. And European publics continue to have a positive view of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who is well-regarded in Britain, Spain and France. In fact, as in the past, Merkel gets better ratings in France than in Germany itself for her leadership in world affairs. And French President Nicolas Sarkozy’s ratings are, if anything, somewhat better in Germany than in France. The French leader is less well-regarded in Britain and Spain, but that has been so in previous surveys.

However, Europeans are divided in their views about major economic issues.² They are supportive of the euro, but disagree about the merits of European economic integration and the bailing-out of EU member countries in trouble. Opinion of Greece, the recipient of EU financial aid, is on balance positive in Britain and France. But, a majority of Germans express an unfavorable opinion of it.

At a time when NATO is developing a new strategic concept, majorities in major Europeans nations surveyed continue to hold a favorable view of it, as do most Americans. However, many fewer Germans express a positive assessment of it currently (57%) than did so in 2009 (73%). Germans who express opposition to the NATO effort in Afghanistan are far less likely to hold positive views of this defense organization (45%) than do those who back it (76%). This is also true, but to a lesser extent, in the other EU countries surveyed as well as in the U.S.

Limited Support for Extremism

Support for terrorism remains low among the Muslim publics surveyed. Many fewer Muslims in 2010 than in the middle of the past decade say that suicide bombing and other forms of violence against civilians are justified to defend Islam from its enemies. However, the new poll does show a modest increase over the past year in support for suicide bombing being often or sometimes justifiable, with a rise in Egypt from 15% to 20% and in Jordan from 12% to 20%. Still, these are below the levels of support observed mid-decade.

Overall attitudes toward Osama bin Laden have followed a similar trend line among the Muslim publics surveyed by the Pew Global Attitudes Project. Views of the al Qaeda leader have been far more negative in recent years than they were mid-decade. And the poll shows considerably less positive regard for him in Jordan than was apparent in 2009. Support for bin Laden has also declined among Nigerian Muslims, although 48% still express confidence in the al Qaeda leader.

Iran and Its Nuclear Weapons Program

Among the nations surveyed, there is widespread opposition to Iran acquiring nuclear weapons and considerable support for tougher economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic. For instance, more than three-quarters of those who oppose the Iranian nuclear program in Spain (79%), Britain (78%), Germany (77%) and France (76%), as well as 67% in Russia and 58% in China, approve of tougher sanctions. Many are also willing to consider using military force to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear capabilities, including about half of those who oppose Iran’s program in Poland, Germany, Spain, and Britain, and roughly six-in-ten in France.

Still, the Pew Global Attitudes survey foreshadows potential tension between the U.S. and other leading powers over what to do about the Iranian nuclear program. Among those who oppose Tehran acquiring nuclear weapons, Americans are more likely than Europeans, Japanese, Chinese, Indians or Russians to approve of economic sanctions against Iran and to support taking military action to stop Tehran from acquiring nuclear armaments.

Pakistan is the only country in which a majority (58%) favors Iran acquiring nuclear weapons. Elsewhere among largely Muslim nations, public opinion on balance opposes a nuclear-armed Iran, although significant numbers of Jordanians (39%) and Lebanese (34%) do want Iran to have such capabilities. In predominantly Muslim countries, those who oppose Iranian nuclear weapons tend to favor tougher economic sanctions, and although fewer support using the military to prevent the Islamic Republic from developing these weapons, majorities or pluralities in four of the six countries surveyed favor this option.

Views on Climate Change

As in 2009, the new poll found substantial majorities of the publics in most countries seeing global climate change as a serious problem. The intensity of concern about this issue is less evident in the U.S., China, Russia, Britain and France than it is among the publics of other major carbon-emitting nations, such as Germany, India, Japan and South Korea.

The publics of the 22 nations surveyed are more divided about paying increased prices to combat climate change. Willingness to do so is nearly universal in China and clear majorities in India, South Korea, Japan, Turkey and Germany also favor consumers paying higher bills. Most people express opposition in the U.S., France, Russia and many of the less affluent countries surveyed, while views are more mixed in Britain, Spain and Brazil.

Also of Note:

• Somewhat more Americans than in 2005 (35% vs. 26%) think the U.S. is well-liked around the world. However, fully 60% think the U.S. is generally disliked. As in 2005, only Americans and Turks are more likely to say their country is disliked than to say it is liked.

• Americans are no more isolationist than Europeans. Asked whether their country should deal with its own problems and let others take care of themselves, 46% of Americans agree, as do 44% of Germans and 49% of British. The French are the most isolationist; 65% oppose helping other nations cope with their challenges.

• But Americans are among the least supportive of international trade among the 22 nations surveyed; nevertheless 66% think it is good for their country.

• While most Europeans and Japanese think Americans are too religious, people in the rest of the world – in 18 of 22 countries – think Americans are not religious enough. This includes the U.S., where 64% say their country should be more religious. Criticism of American secularism is particularly strong in the three Arab nations surveyed.

• Confidence in Russian President Dmitri Medvedev is on the rise, with his assessment up in all five EU member nations surveyed. The strongest backing is in Germany (50%) and the greatest improvement in Poland, where confidence in Medvedev has more than doubled in the last year, to 36%.

Confidence in Merkel

Majorities in all five EU countries included in the survey have confidence in German Chancellor Merkel to do the right thing regarding world affairs. Outside of the European Union, confidence in Merkel is less common, and many are unfamiliar with the German leader.

Confidence in Merkel is most widespread in France, where she is even more popular than she is at home and more popular than French President Sarkozy. About eight-in-ten French (81%) have confidence in the chancellor to do the right thing in international affairs. A large majority (72%) in Merkel’s home country hold the same view. In Britain, 60% express confidence in Merkel, up from roughly half (51%) the previous year. Similarly, 57% in Spain voice positive opinions about Merkel’s leadership on foreign affairs, a modest improvement since 2009 (49%). More striking is the improvement in Polish views of Merkel; 58% voice a favorable view this year, compared with 39% last year.

Pluralities in Japan (46%), the U.S. (43%) and China (40%) have confidence in the German leader, although in all three nations many do not offer an opinion.

Negative views of Merkel are far more common in the Middle East. Seven-in-ten in Egypt have little or no confidence in the chancellor to do the right thing in world affairs. Roughly six-in-ten hold the same negative views in Jordan (64%) and Lebanon (61%).

Turks also remain unconvinced of Merkel’s foreign policy leadership skills. As in past surveys, a large majority in Turkey (69%) currently have little or no confidence in the chancellor’s international decisions, while only a few say the opposite (6%). Many Turks (25%) do not offer an opinion of the German leader.

Elsewhere around the world, many offer no opinion about Merkel. Roughly four-in-ten or more in Indonesia (39%), India (46%), Mexico (53%), Argentina (62%) and Pakistan (65%) said they could not assess her ability to handle world affairs.

Confidence in Sarkozy

Publics in European Union countries express far less confidence in French President Sarkozy than in German Chancellor Merkel. Germany and Poland are the only European Union countries surveyed in which a majority – albeit a slim one – expresses confidence in Sarkozy to do the right thing in world affairs; 52% in both nations have a positive view of him.

In France, fewer people have confidence (47%) in their president than do not (53%). Just one year earlier, positive views of Sarkozy (53%) outranked negative ones (47%). Favorable views of the French president are even less common in Britain (37%) and Spain (39%).

Four-in-ten in Russia and the U.S. have confidence in Sarkozy’s global leadership, and many in both countries do not offer an opinion.

A majority in only one of the three Middle Eastern publics surveyed has faith in Sarkozy’s foreign policy leadership skills. More than half of Lebanese (53%) trust the French president to do the right thing in world affairs. In contrast, seven-in-ten in Egypt (70%) and 63% in Jordan have little or no confidence in the French leader.

As in past surveys in Turkey, 71% currently have little or no confidence in Sarkozy’s handling of foreign affairs, while only a few (3%) have a positive view. Many Turks (26%) do not offer an opinion. Even larger proportions in Pakistan (65%), Mexico (49%), Argentina (48%), India (47%), and Indonesia (36%) express no view of the French president.

Views of Medvedev

Confidence in Russian President Medvedev to do the right thing in world affairs is limited, although the assessment is more positive than last year.

Positive views of Medvedev have become more common in all five EU member states surveyed. In Poland, confidence in the Russian president has more than doubled in the last year, rising from 17% to 36%. Germans give Medvedev his highest marks among the EU nations polled – half now express confidence in him, up 18 percentage points from 2009. Significant increases have also taken place in France (+13 percentage points), Britain (+9 points) and Spain (+6 points).

In Turkey, negative assessments of Medvedev continue to prevail; 69% say they lack confidence in Medvedev, up slightly from 2009 (64%). Many Turks say they are unfamiliar with the Russian leader.

Similarly, negative views of President Medvedev are widespread among the Middle Eastern publics surveyed. A large majority in Jordan (82%) have no confidence in the Russian leader’s ability to handle world affairs, an increase from the previous year (73%). Similarly, 73% of Egyptians are critical of Medvedev, while in Lebanon 55% hold the same negative view.

In only five countries outside of Russia are ratings of Medvedev more positive than negative. Pluralities in Kenya (45%), India (44%), China (43%), Nigeria (41%) and the U.S. (38%) express confidence in his ability to handle foreign policy. American opinions of Medvedev have grown more positive since last year, when 30% expressed confidence in him. Many in Argentina (62%), Pakistan (59%), Mexico (52%), India (39%) and Indonesia (35%) offer no opinion of the Russian leader.

Overwhelmingly, Medvedev remains popular at home – a large majority of Russians (74%) have confidence in their president. Similarly, roughly three-quarters (77%) of Russians back Prime Minister Vladimir Putin. In 2009, large majorities also expressed confidence in Medvedev (76%) and Putin (81%).

Opinions of Germany

Amidst the recent chaos of the Greek debt crisis and negative German reaction to bail-outs of other European countries, European and Russian public views of Germany remain resolutely favorable.

Nine-in-ten among the French (91%) have a favorable view of Germany. More than seven-in-ten in Spain (78%), Poland (78%), Russia (75%) and Britain (72%) also offer a positive opinion of Germany.

European attitudes toward Germany were similarly complimentary in recent years. In 2007, large majorities in France (90%), Russia (77%), Spain (76%) and Britain (74%) held favorable views of Germany. Polish views of Germany are substantially more favorable now (78%) than in 2007 (67%).

Opinions of Russia

Overall, majorities or pluralities in 9 of 21 countries outside of Russia hold a favorable view of Russia. There have been some significant improvements in Russia’s image since last year, especially among EU member states and in the U.S. About half in France (51%) and Germany (50%) now express a favorable opinion of Russia, an increase of eight percentage points in both nations. An even larger rise has occurred in Poland, where 45% have a positive view, compared with just 33% in 2009. Favorable views have also become more common in the U.S. (+6 percentage points) and Spain (+4 points).

In contrast to trends in some parts of Europe and the U.S., Turkish views of Russia remain negative. As in previous years, more than six-in-ten (65%) Turks currently express an unfavorable view of Russia.

Two of the three publics surveyed in the Middle East also offer critical views of Russia. Majorities in Jordan (58%) and Egypt (58%) currently voice a negative assessment of Russia. Just one year earlier, Egyptian attitudes were nearly evenly divided. In contrast, 55% of Lebanese express positive views of Russia.

Negative views of Russia tend to predominate in Asia. A majority of Japanese (60%) express unfavorable views of Russia, although that figure is down from 68% in 2009. In Indonesia, 44% voice negative opinions of Russia. Similarly, 45% of South Koreans are critical of Russia, up from 35% the previous year. In contrast, half of Indians (51%) and a plurality of Chinese (49%) hold a positive opinion of Russia.

In Africa, favorable views of Russia outnumber negative ones. A majority of Nigerians (53%) hold a positive opinion of Russia. Similarly, in Kenya 47% express a positive view, up from 35% the previous year.

Views of the European Union

Views of the European Union have changed little in the last year, at least among the EU member states surveyed. Elsewhere, the EU’s popularity has also remained steady or grown. Majorities or pluralities in 17 of the 22 countries surveyed have a favorable view of the EU. However, majorities in Jordan (67%), Turkey (57%) and Egypt (55%) express a negative view of the EU.

Support for the Brussels-based institution is widespread among the five EU member countries included in the survey. Overwhelming majorities in Poland (81%) and Spain (77%) express favorable opinions of the EU. More than six-in-ten hold the same view in France (64%) and Germany (62%). Given past trends, it is not surprising that British enthusiasm for the EU is more muted; only 49% voice a positive opinion. British favorability ratings of the EU have hovered around 50% since 2004.

A large majority of Russians (69%) hold favorable views of the EU. In Asia, enthusiasm for the EU is widespread and has improved since last year. Majorities in South Korea (75%), Japan (73%) and Indonesia (58%), and a plurality in China (47%) express a favorable attitude toward the EU. The EU is more popular now than in 2009 in Japan and China. In contrast, pluralities in Pakistan (45%) and India (38%) hold unfavorable views of the EU, though many do not offer an opinion of this European institution in either country.

Strong majorities in Kenya (80%) and Nigeria (67%) see the EU in a positive light. Moreover, positive views of the EU are far more common now in Kenya than last year (+18 percentage points).

Turkey and the European Union

Turkey has long hoped to join the EU, but Turkish public sentiment toward the Brussels-based institution remains decidedly unenthusiastic. Currently, only 28% of Turks hold a positive view of the EU, a slight improvement from 2009 (22%) but still down substantially from 2004 (58% favorable).

Moreover, while a majority (54%) of Turks are still in favor of Turkey becoming an EU member, this is substantially fewer than in 2005 (68%). The intensity of Turkish interest in joining the EU has also dropped substantially. Far fewer Turks now strongly favor (16%) their country’s accession to the EU than in 2005 (31% strongly favor).

Views of NATO

NATO is viewed positively by majorities in the U.S., Poland, and Western European member states. However, NATO is much less popular among Germans than in the past.

Enthusiasm for NATO is most widespread in Poland – the newest member of the Alliance polled; 77% express a favorable view of this security organization.

NATO also remains popular elsewhere in Europe, as well as in the U.S. Majorities in France (68%), Britain (60%), and Spain (53%) hold positive views of the body. A majority in Germany (57%) also offers favorable opinions of NATO, although this represents a substantial decrease in positive views from fall 2009 (73%).

Germans who support removing troops from Afghanistan are less likely to hold a favorable view of NATO (45%) than those who want to keep troops there (76%). Consistent with past surveys, more than twice as many Americans favor NATO (54%) as view it negatively (21%).

Opinions of NATO are improving in Russia – the only non-member state where this question was asked. Currently, Russian views of this Western security organization are evenly split; 40% express a favorable opinion while 40% view NATO unfavorably. In the fall of 2009, only 24% of Russians held a positive view of NATO while 58% voiced a negative one.

Still, a significant number of Muslims in some countries do embrace these positions. This is particularly true in Nigeria, where nearly half express confidence in bin Laden and offer a positive opinion of al Qaeda, and about a third say suicide attacks are at least sometimes justifiable. Support for suicide bombing is even higher in Lebanon, although virtually no Lebanese Muslims express a positive view of bin Laden or the organization he leads. Meanwhile, in Turkey across all three measures there is almost no support for extremism.

Overall, support for suicide bombing is much lower now among Muslim publics than it was in the middle of the last decade, although there have been slight increases this year in Jordan and Egypt. And, as in previous years, publics in countries with largely Muslim populations continue to be concerned about the rise of Islamic extremism, both in their countries and around the world.

Limited Support for Suicide Bombing

Among the nations surveyed, support for suicide attacks is most common in Lebanon and Nigeria. Roughly four-in-ten Lebanese Muslims (39%) say that suicide bombing and other forms of violence against civilian targets can often or sometimes be justified in order to defend Islam from its enemies. This sentiment is especially pervasive among the country’s Shia population, 46% of whom hold this view, compared with 33% of Sunnis. Nonetheless, support for these

types of attacks is considerably lower in Lebanon than it was in 2002, when 74% of Muslims said they were often or sometimes justifiable.

About one-third (34%) of Nigerian Muslims believe this kind of violence can be justified. While this is a relatively high number, it nonetheless represents a decline from last year, when 43% held this view.

One-in-five Egyptian and Jordanian Muslims endorse attacks on civilian targets, and in both countries support is up slightly, rising by eight percentage points in Jordan and five points in Egypt. Still, Jordanian Muslims are much less likely to support attacks on civilians today than five years ago, when 57% held this position.

Support for suicide bombing is relatively low in Indonesia, as well as in Pakistan and Turkey, where fewer then one-in-ten say it can be justified. Indeed, in these three nations more than two-thirds say this type of violence can never be justified in the defense of Islam. In Indonesia and Turkey, support has been consistently low over time, however in Pakistan, as recently as 2004, 41% of Muslims thought that violence against civilian targets could be justified.

Declining Support for bin Laden

As with suicide bombing, support for Osama bin Laden had declined in recent years, and on balance, it is down again this year. Looking at the seven Muslim publics surveyed, the percentage who have confidence in bin Laden to do the right thing in world affairs has decreased since 2009 in four nations, while remaining about the same in three.

By a wide margin, Nigerian Muslims express the most positive views of bin Laden, with nearly half (48%) saying they have confidence in the al Qaeda leader, although this is nonetheless a drop of six percentage points from last year’s survey. Among Indonesian Muslims 25% express confidence, unchanged from last year, although this is considerably lower than in 2003, when 59% held this view.

Support for bin Laden has also declined over time in Pakistan, where many believe the terrorist leader is hiding. Only 18% of Pakistani Muslims currently voice confidence in him, unchanged from last year, but down sharply from 52% in 2005. Just 19% of Egyptian Muslims currently express a positive view, down slightly from 23% last year.
The largest decline over the past year has taken place in Jordan, where confidence in bin Laden has slipped from 28% to 14%. In 2005, at the height of bin Laden’s popularity in Jordan, 61% said they had confidence in him. Only 3% of Turkish Muslims and less than 1% of Lebanese Muslims voice confidence in bin Laden.

Al Qaeda Generally Unpopular

When it comes to the organization that  bin Laden heads, Nigerians again stand apart from the other Muslim publics surveyed – roughly half (49%) of Nigerian Muslims have a favorable opinion of al Qaeda, while 34% have an unfavorable opinion.

Elsewhere, most Muslims express a negative view of the organization, although significant minorities do have a positive opinion in Jordan (34%), Indonesia (23%) and Egypt (20%). Favorable ratings for al Qaeda are rare in Turkey (4%) and Lebanon (3%). In fact, nearly all Lebanese Muslims (94%) reject al Qaeda, including 95% of Shia and 93% of Sunnis.

Widespread Concerns about Extremism

Islamic extremism continues to be a serious concern in nations with substantial Muslim populations. In the seven nations surveyed where roughly half or more of the population is Muslim, large majorities in six say they are very or somewhat concerned about the rise of Islamic extremism around the world. The only outlier is Turkey, where 39% are concerned.

Many are also worried about the rise of Islamic extremism within the survey countries themselves. Eight-in-ten are very or somewhat concerned in Lebanon, including 90% of Christians, 82% of Shia and 67% of Sunnis.

Roughly three-in-four Nigerians (76%) are concerned about Islamic extremism in their country, including 83% of Muslims and 68% of Christians.

Nearly two-thirds of Pakistanis (65%) also express this view, although fears have actually declined since last year, when 79% said they were concerned.

Slightly smaller majorities express concern about the rise of Islamic extremism in Egypt (61%) and Indonesia (59%), as do more than four-in-ten in Jordan (44%) and Turkey (43%).