As China prepares for its once-in-a-decade change of leadership, the Chinese people believe their country faces serious and growing challenges. In particular, the side effects of rapid economic growth, including the gap between rich and poor, rising prices, pollution, and the loss of traditional culture are major concerns, and there are also increasing worries about political corruption. While the Chinese have consistently rated their national and personal economic situations positively over the last few years, they are now grappling with the concerns of a modern, increasingly wealthy society.

The Chinese public also increasingly expresses reservations about relations with the United States. Over the last two years, ratings for the U.S. and President Obama have declined significantly, and the percentage of Chinese who characterize their country’s relationship with the U.S. as one of cooperation has plummeted from 68% to 39%. Still, many Chinese embrace aspects of America’s soft power, including U.S. science and technology and American ideas about democracy.

Inflation remains the top concern of the Chinese public – six-in-ten consider rising prices a very big problem. Meanwhile, half say corrupt officials are a major problem, up from 39% four years ago.

Worries about consumer protection have also increased significantly. After a number of high-profile food safety scandals in recent years, concerns about the safety of food have more than tripled since 2008.

And while China’s economy has grown at a much faster rate than most countries since the onset of the global economic downturn, concerns about economic inequality have also increased. About half now say the gap between rich and poor is a very big problem, and roughly eight-in-ten agree with the view that in China the “rich just get richer while the poor get poorer.”

Moreover, the rapid changes that have transformed their society in recent years have not been welcomed by all Chinese. Most still say they like the pace of modern life, but fewer hold this view today than four years ago. Nearly six-in-ten say their traditional way of life is getting lost and even more think their way of life should be protected against foreign influence.

These are among the key findings from a survey of China conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 3,177 respondents between March 18 and April 15. The sample represents approximately 64% of the adult Chinese population.¹ This poll in China is part of the broader 21-nation spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey.

Despite Success, Many See Problems

While the global financial crisis has taken a serious toll in many nations over the last few years, most Chinese report continued economic progress – indeed, 70% say they are better off financially than they were five years ago. Among the 21 nations polled, Brazil is the only country where the public reports a comparable level of economic advancement. Additionally, a remarkable 92% of Chinese say their standard of living is better than their parents’ at a similar age. (For more on international economic mobility and other economic issues, see “Pervasive Gloom About the World Economy,” released July 12, 2012).

Given this economic mobility and the overall success of economic reforms since the late 1970s, it is not too surprising that free markets are popular. Roughly three-in-four Chinese agree that most people are better off in a free market economy.

However, there is a general consensus in China that the economic gains of recent years have not benefited everyone equally: 81% agree with the statement the “rich just get richer while the poor get poorer,” and 45% completely agree. Roughly half (48%) say the gap between rich and poor is a very serious problem, up from 41% four years ago (fully 87% consider it at least a moderately big problem).

And some Chinese doubt whether simply working hard is enough to guarantee success in today’s China. While 45% agree with the statement “most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard,” one-in-three disagrees. Those who are doing better economically are much more likely to see a link between effort and success – 62% of higher-income Chinese believe most people can be successful if they work hard, compared with 45% of middle- and 44% of lower-income respondents.²

In another sign that many do not see a level playing field in Chinese society, there are growing worries about corruption. Half now say corrupt officials are a very big problem, up 11 percentage points since 2008; and 32% say this about corrupt business people, also up 11 points from four years ago.

Consumer protection is another rising concern. Four years ago, just 12% rated food safety a very big problem; today, it’s 41%. The percentage expressing very serious concerns about the safety of medicine has more than tripled, from 9% in 2008 to 28% today. And more now are very worried about the quality of manufactured goods (13% in 2008; 33% now).

Increasingly, people are also anxious about having a social safety net. Since 2008, the percentage of those rating old age insurance a very big problem has more than doubled (from 13% to 28%), while the percentage who say the same about health care has jumped from 12% to 26%. The environment is also a serious concern to many. A third or more rate air (36%) and water pollution (33%) as very big problems.

In addition, many Chinese are worried about the current state and direction of their culture and traditions. Most (57%) think their way of life is getting lost and 71% want to see their way of life protected from foreign influence. While 59% still say they like the pace of modern life, this is down from 71% four years ago. Wealthier Chinese are more likely to embrace modern life; 73% of those with higher incomes say they like it, compared with just 61% of middle and 54% of lower income Chinese.

Growing Wariness of the U.S.

Over the last two years, Chinese views about their country’s relationship with the U.S. have shifted substantially. In 2010, roughly two-in-three described the U.S.-China relationship as one of cooperation; today, just 39% view it this way. Meanwhile, 26% now say the relationship is one of hostility, up from 8% in the 2010 poll.

Similarly, while 58% had a positive view of the U.S. in 2010, only 43% do so today. President Obama’s ratings have also slipped – currently, 38% express confidence that he will do the right thing in world affairs, down from 52% two years ago.

Nonetheless, many Chinese – especially younger, wealthier, well-educated, and urban Chinese – continue to embrace certain elements of American soft power. In particular, many admire the U.S. for its scientific and technological achievements.

And in a country that remains a one-party state, American-style democracy has a strong appeal. Roughly half (52%) say they like American ideas about democracy; just 29% say they dislike these ideas. About seven-in-ten Chinese in the higher-income category have a positive opinion about American democratic ideals.

Just like opinions regarding the U.S.-China relationship, views about the India-China relationship have cooled over the last two years. In 2010, 53% described relations between the two Asian powers as one of cooperation, compared with 39% now.

Views on the Japan-China relationship are, on balance, negative. Just three-in-ten Chinese say their relationship with Japan is one of cooperation; fully 41% describe it in terms of hostility.

Views of China’s Economic Power

Globally, perceptions of Chinese economic power have been on the rise since the onset of the financial crisis in 2008, and today many believe China is the world’s top economy. Across the 21 countries included in the spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey, a median of 41% said China is the economic leader, while 37% named the U.S. (For more on international perceptions of China and the U.S., see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).

The Chinese, however, do not believe they have ascended to the top spot. About half (48%) say the U.S. is the world’s leading economy, while just 29% believe it is China. Americans, meanwhile, are divided: 41% think China is the top global economy, while 40% believe the U.S. remains the leader.

Improving Standard of Living

About nine-in-ten (92%) Chinese say their standard of living is better than their parents’ at a comparable age, including 39% who say it is much better. The Chinese are more likely than any public among the 21 nations included in the 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey to say they are better off than their parents.

When asked to compare their current finances to how they were doing just five years ago, 70% of Chinese say they and their families are better off now than they were then; 21% say they are doing about the same and just 5% say they are worse off. Of the 21 countries surveyed, only the Brazilians hold a similarly positive assessment of their economic progress.

Support for Free Market

Nearly three-quarters of the Chinese public (74%) agree that most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some people are rich and some are poor. About one-in-five (19%) disagree. Support for capitalism is widespread across age groups, education levels and income brackets.

Unlike many other countries surveyed by the Pew Global Attitudes Project in 2012, Chinese opinion about the free market has been relatively stable over the past decade, despite the global recession. Still, support has slipped somewhat since 2010, when 84% said most people are better off in a free market. (For more about the impact of the global downturn on support for the free market, see “Pervasive Gloom about the World Economy,” July 12, 2012.)

But Concerns about Economic Fairness, Corruption, Consumer Safety

Among the 17 items tested on the survey, rising prices is the only one rated a very big problem by a majority of Chinese. Roughly half hold this view about corrupt officials (50%) and the gap between the rich and the poor (48%). However, all of the other issues tested, with the exception of electricity shortages, are considered at least moderately big problems by a majority of Chinese.

There is far more concern about domestic issues today than there was in 2008, when the Pew Global Attitudes Project last asked this question in China. The change has been most dramatic with regard to food safety, which has received a lot of attention in China in recent years; 41% consider this to be a very big problem in their country, compared with 12% four years ago. Similarly, about three times as many people now say the safety of medicine is a major problem as said the same in 2008 (28% vs. 9%). And the percentage describing the quality of manufactured goods as a very serious problem has jumped 20 percentage points over the same time period.

Double-digit increases since 2008 are also evident in the percentage of the Chinese public that considers old age insurance, education, corrupt officials, corrupt business people, health care, and conditions for workers as very big problems for their country. Concern about traffic, crime, and the gap between the rich and the poor has also gone up, but to a lesser degree. In contrast, of the items tested, only rising prices are now considered to be a top problem by fewer people (60% today vs. 72% in 2008).

Unease about Economic Inequality

Despite broad support for capitalism, the public expresses concerns about growing inequality in their country. Most Chinese (81%) agree that today the rich just get richer while the poor get poorer, including 45% who completely agree. Only 12% disagree.

In addition, while a plurality (45%) believes that most people can succeed if they work hard, a significant minority (33%) says hard work does not guarantee success. Higher-income Chinese (62%) are more likely than those with lower incomes (44%) to believe hard work is rewarded.

The Chinese public also expresses support for government intervention to help the poor. When asked which is more important, roughly half (51%) choose an active role for the state in guaranteeing that no one is in need, rather than having individual freedom to pursue life’s goals without government interference (34%). Nonetheless, support for a social safety net is down 12 percentage points since 2011.

Views about hard work and success are linked to opinions about government and the economy. Those who say hard work is no guarantee of success express greater desire for the state to play an active role in the economy (+13); they also have less faith in the free market (-18 percentage points).

Approval of Modern Life, But Tradition Threatened

Nearly six-in-ten Chinese (59%) say they like the pace of modern life; just 31% disapprove. While the public is generally content with the 21st-century way of life, satisfaction is down 12 percentage points since 2008. People with higher incomes (73%) are especially likely to say they like the pace of modern life.

Nonetheless, a 57%-majority say their traditional way of life is getting lost, compared with 29% who say their traditions remain strong and 14% who are unsure. Fully 71% believe their way of life needs to be protected from foreign influence; just 21% disagree. A decade ago, fewer worried about lost traditions (68%) or the impact of foreign ideas (64%).

A plurality of Chinese are also concerned about the role of consumerism and commercialism in their country. Roughly four-in-ten (43%) say consumerism and commercialism are a threat to their culture. About a third (32%) takes the opposite view, and a quarter expresses no opinion.

Roughly half (49%) of Indians like the pace of modern life, while 37% object to it and 13% venture no opinion. The young, people who live in cities, the better-educated, the wealthier and those who live in the western Indian states of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Gujarat are particularly accepting of the 24/7 tempo of 21st-century existence.

At the same time, roughly half (52%) of Indians surveyed complain that their traditional way of life is getting lost, compared with about a third (34%) who believe it remains strong. Those most concerned about the erosion of long-established Indian traditions and mores are people living in cities and the better educated, arguably those whose life experience has most distanced them from their roots. For a plurality (43%) of Indians it is the consumerism and commercialism of the modern economy that are a threat to Indian culture. About a quarter (24%) do not agree, while a third have no view on this issue.

Indians overwhelmingly believe that their way of life needs to be protected against foreign influence. Nearly eight-in-ten (79%) want to shield their traditional culture from globalization. And half of those surveyed completely agree with such an effort. The greatest support for such cultural protectionism exists among Indians living in the western states (61% completely agree), the college-educated (59%) and those living in cities (57%).

Hard Work, Capitalism and the State

Indians strongly believe in the value of hard work. Two-in-three Indians say most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard. Such sentiment is particularly found among those with a college degree and upper-income individuals. Indian belief in the efficacy of applying oneself is comparable to that in Brazil (69%) and far exceeds that in China (45%).

Since independence, when India’s first prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru pursued a course of state-led economic development, the Indian government has played a major role in both the society and the economy. Only in the wake of an economic crisis in 1991 did Delhi begin to de-emphasize the role of the public sector through deregulation, privatization of state-owned assets and an opening of the domestic market to foreign trade and investment.

Today, the prevailing view (53%) among the Indian public is that it is more important for everyone to be free to pursue their life’s goals without government interference rather than the state to play an active role in guaranteeing that no one is in need. Such sentiment is strong among wealthier individuals, those who live in cities and the well-educated.

Wary of the state, Indians are solidly committed to capitalism. About six-in-ten (61%) think most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some are rich and some are poor. Those with a college degree and higher-income individuals are most likely to hold such views. The least support for the free market is found in the East of India, in the states of Bihar, West Bengal, Orissa and Jharkhand, some of which have a long tradition of left-wing politics. Indian enthusiasm for capitalism exceeds the 20-nation median (50%), but it still trails that in the emerging economies of Brazil (75%) and China (74%).

Nevertheless, Indians think that the consequences of the current economic order are not good for the country. About eight-in-ten (81%) agree, including 57% completely, that it is true today that the rich just get richer while the poor get poorer. Such sentiment is held by men and women, across all income, age and educational groups.

The economic euphoria in India over the last few years, inspired by the country’s seemingly inevitable march toward double-digit growth, has suddenly soured. Although still relatively upbeat compared with many other countries, the Indian public’s confidence in their country’s direction and future economic growth has declined significantly compared with just a year ago. In a world where the Americans, the Europeans and even the Chinese have reason to worry about their economies, it is the Indians who have lost the greatest faith in their economic fortunes.

Indians today are mixed in their assessment of their national economy: 49% say the economy is in good shape, while 45% describe the economy as bad. A year ago opinion was more upbeat, with a 56%-majority saying the national economy was doing well, compared with 43% who disagreed. Despite this decline, Indians remain more positive about current economic conditions than populations in most of the 17 countries surveyed in both 2011 and 2012 by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. And Indians are more optimistic about their economy’s trajectory over the next year than many of the publics surveyed in both years (for more, see “Pervasive Gloom about the World Economy,” released July 12, 2012).

Nevertheless, the trend line in India conveys a more troubling story. Just 38% of Indians are satisfied with the way things are going in the country – a 13 percentage point decline since last year. This is among the largest drops in national contentment across the countries surveyed in 2011 and 2012.

Meanwhile, the proportion of Indians who think current economic conditions are good is down seven percentage points from 2011. And only 45% of Indians think their economy will improve over the next 12 months. Such optimism has declined 15 points since 2011, again the largest falloff among the 17 nations with comparable data.

A year ago, Indians’ economic mood trailed that in China, bested that in Europe and the United States, and was comparable to that in Brazil. Today, Indians’ evaluation of their current national economic situation trails that in China by 34 percentage points and Brazil by 16 points. And Indian optimism about the next year lags behind that in Brazil by 39 points and China by 38 points. Indian satisfaction with the direction of the country is descending toward that in Europe and the United States and hope for the future has been surpassed by that in America.

Contrary to their view of the health and future of the national economy, nearly two-in-three Indians (64%) say their personal finances are good. This level of personal contentment is higher than in 14 of the other 20 countries surveyed in 2012.

But Indians are not terribly optimistic about their children’s economic prospects. About two-thirds (66%) think it will be difficult for their kids to get a better job or become wealthier than the current generation. Such pessimism is relative, however. Among the 21 nations surveyed, people in 17 countries are even more glum about their children’s futures.

Not all Indians are downbeat. By a margin of 25 percentage points, higher-income Indians are more satisfied than lower-income Indians with their personal economic situation. Richer Indians are more likely than lower-income Indians, by 13 points, to say they are better off than they were five years ago. And by nine points, they are more likely to say that their children can do better financially than themselves.

These differences by income group are generally greater in India than those found in Brazil, China or Turkey, three other emerging market economies surveyed. And they exist at a time when roughly seven-in-ten (72%) Indians say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big national problem.

India and the World

India’s relations with the rest of the world, especially its neighbors Pakistan, China and Iran, are increasingly important in the realm of geopolitics. But for many Indians, especially those who live in rural areas, the outside world is simply not part of their daily consciousness. Large portions of the rural population have no definite opinion about other countries, foreign leaders or international policy issues.

City dwellers are more globally aware. A 58%-majority is favorably disposed toward the United States and they see America in a more favorable light than they view other major world powers, such as Russia (48%) or the EU (38%). About seven-in-ten city dwellers (71%) who say they are following the U.S. election closely want U.S. president Barack Obama to be re-elected.

Only a third of urban Indians have a favorable view of China. And those who say that China’s growing economic influence is bad for India are more likely to describe relations between the two countries as hostile.

There is little support among urban Indians for Iran (28%), and about half (52%) oppose Tehran obtaining nuclear weapons. Among those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear arms, a 62%-majority favors tougher economic sanctions to prevent this possibility, and 69% believe it is important to keep Iran from acquiring a nuclear arsenal even if that means taking military action.

Pakistan is a neuralgic concern for Indians. Just 13% of all Indians have a positive view of their neighbor. Nevertheless, seven-in-ten overall think it is important to improve relations, including through resolution of the Kashmir dispute (77%), increased trade (64%) and further negotiations (58%).

Notably, Indians and Pakistanis share an animosity toward each other. But both want their bilateral relations to improve.

These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted in 21 countries, including India. Interviews were conducted among 26,210 respondents worldwide, including 4,018 in India, from March 17 to April 20, 2012.

Also of Note

• Indians are divided in their views of 21^st-century life: 49% like the pace of modern life, while 52% complain that their traditional way of life is getting lost. Roughly eight-in-ten (79%) want to shield their traditional culture from globalization.
• Two of every three Indians believe most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard.
• About half of Indians (53%) surveyed believe that it is more important for Indian society that everyone be free to pursue their life’s goals without government interference rather than the state playing an active role in guaranteeing that nobody is in need (25%).
• Roughly six-in-ten Indians (61%) think most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some are rich and some are poor.

Special to CNN

Add faith in the work ethic and in capitalism to the lengthening list of casualties from the Great Recession. Four years after the Lehman Brothers’ fiasco and the ensuing global economic downturn, the idea that effort in a competitive economy can lead to success is seriously questioned in a number of major economies, including Japan, Russia and Greece, especially among those who have suffered the most.

In eight of 21 countries recently surveyed by the Pew Research Center, fewer than half believe hard work is a guarantee of success for most people. And in 11 of the 16 nations for which there is trend data since 2007, before the financial crisis began, support for capitalism is down. A notable exception is the United States, where 77 percent of the public still thinks that effort leads to accomplishment and 67 percent have confidence in free markets.

With worries mounting about a double dip global recession, attention has rightly focused on the potential human cost of such a renewed slump. But the low levels of belief that work leads to economic success, especially in a competitive economy, could imperil the rebound from any economic slowdown.

Read the full commentary at CNN’s Global Public Square blog

The idea that hard work leads to material success is no longer, if it ever was, a uniquely Western value.

Half or more in 13 of the 21 nations surveyed believe that most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard. This includes Pakistan (81%) and the U.S. (77%). It also includes Tunisia (73%), Brazil (69%), India (67%) and Mexico (65%).

But faith in the work ethic is particularly weak in Lebanon, where only 32% of the public anticipates rewards from hard work, and in Russia (35%), Japan (40%), Italy (43%) and Greece (43%), all countries that have suffered greatly from the recent economic downturn. There is also little confidence in hard work in China (45%), despite the fact that it has economically outperformed every country in this Global Attitudes survey.

The Germans are beneficiaries of a relatively strong economy in recent years and the people most other Europeans think are the hardest workers in Europe (See the recent Global Attitudes report “European Unity on the Rocks,” released May 29, 2012). But Germans are divided about the value of hard work: 51% think hard work leads to success, 48% think it is no guarantee. West Germans are more likely to believe in the rewards of labor than are East Germans, who have in recent years experienced higher unemployment than their western counterparts.

Those who have had personal economic achievement in life tend to believe that hard work leads to success. High income individuals, especially in Britain, Russia and Egypt, are significantly more likely than low income earners in those countries to say most people can get ahead if they apply themselves. However, there is no meaningful difference in such attitudes between the rich and the poor in Brazil, Turkey and Tunisia, where half or more of the population values hard work whatever their income.

Meanwhile, people facing hard times in Europe and Japan, but notably not elsewhere, have lost faith in the work ethic. Half or more of those who say their personal economic situation is not good also think hard work is no guarantee of success in Japan (65%), France (63%), Germany (62%) Britain (53%), Greece (53%), Poland (53%) and the Czech Republic (52%). Notably, however, in most countries outside the industrial world the work ethic has not lost its appeal, even among those who are suffering economically. In Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia, India, Pakistan, Brazil and Mexico, half or more of those who say their personal finances are not faring well still believe that hard work can bring economic success.

Capitalism Less Appealing

Faith in capitalism is another victim of the Great Recession. In just 13 of the 21 nations surveyed, half or more agree with the statement that people are better off in a free market economy even though some people are rich and some are poor.

Support for capitalism is greatest in Brazil (75%), China (74%), Germany (69%) (although East Germans are less supportive than West Germans) and the U.S. (67%). The biggest skeptics of the free market can be found in Mexico (34%) and Japan (38%).

But in nine of the 16 countries for which there is trend data since 2007, before the financial crisis began, support for capitalism is down, with the greatest declines in Italy (down 23 percentage points) and Spain (down 20 points).

In most countries, people’s personal economic experience shapes their view of the free market. Those who are suffering are less likely to think people are better off under capitalism than are those who are well off. This is particularly the case in Russia (a 31 percentage point gap), Poland (30 points), China (26 points) and Japan (25 points).

In the U.S. and in four of the eight European countries surveyed, men are more likely than women to think people are better off in a free market economy. There is similarly disproportionate male support for capitalism in Turkey and Tunisia. And in 12 of 18 countries, people with a college education are more likely than those without a college degree to back the free market system.

The link between the work ethic and support for capitalism, discussed by German sociologist Max Weber, is borne out by the survey. In 14 of 21 countries, those who have faith that hard work leads to economic success are also more likely to think people are better off in a market economy. This is particularly the case in Britain, U.S., Russia, the Czech Republic and China.

Widespread Dissatisfaction

In the fourth year of the global financial crisis, there is widespread public dissatisfaction in seven of the eight European nations surveyed. Just a small fraction of Europeans are happy with the direction of their nation. Only in Germany (53%) is more than half the population content with national conditions. The mood is particularly grim in Greece, where just 2% of Greeks are satisfied.

There is, however, not much change in national sentiment from last year in five countries where there is comparable data. Sentiment is roughly unchanged in Britain, Poland, Spain and France. Only in Germany have assessments improved significantly, from 43% in 2011 to 53% in 2012.

Compared with 2007, before the crisis hit, national satisfaction today is down by 41 points in Spain and nine points in the Czech Republic. At the same time, it is up 20 points in Germany (from 33% to 53%), up 15 points in Poland (from 18% to 33%) and up seven points in France (from 22% to 29%).

National dissatisfaction is a shared transatlantic phenomenon. Only 29% of Americans are satisfied with the way things are going in their country. That figure is up eight points from 2011.

Economic Gloom

National discontent is rooted in an extremely gloomy assessment of local economic conditions, especially in southern Europe. Only 2% of the Greeks and 6% of the Italians and Spanish describe the current economic situation in their countries as good. But economic perceptions are not that much better in most of northern or eastern Europe. Only 15% of the British, 16% of the Czechs, 19% of the French and 29% of the Poles say their economy is doing well.

And economic despair is profound. An overwhelming 78% of the Greeks and 72% of the Spanish think their national economic performance is “very bad,” as do 56% of Italians. And that strongly negative Italian assessment has increased 28 percentage points since the fall of 2009.

In most countries, the public’s economic assessment has declined since 2007, before the economic crisis began, although a majority of the French, Italians and Czechs have never been satisfied with their economies since Pew began surveying in 2002. In Germany and Poland, on the other hand, public economic sentiment has been on a roller coaster ride, with wide mood swings, often from one year to the next, for the last decade. At the moment, the Germans could not be more pleased about economic conditions. Nearly three-quarters (73%) say their economy is good, up 45 points from the spring of 2009.

By comparison, while less than a third (31%) of Americans say economic conditions are good, that is up 13 points from last year. That economic assessment, while anemic, is still better than that in most European countries surveyed. It is, however, far less than the half of Americans who were satisfied with the economy in 2007, before the Wall Street debacle.

Personal Finances Deteriorating

Europeans generally say that their personal economic situation is much better than their perception of their own national economic conditions. But even that more positive assessment has deteriorated sharply since 2009 in many countries. Half or more of those in five of the eight nations surveyed say their economic condition is good, including Germany (74%), France (65%) and Britain (64%). But that sentiment is down 12 percentage points in Spain, 10 points in Britain and Poland and eight points in France since 2009. Personal economic assessments are unchanged in Germany.

Like their European counterparts, Americans feel better about their own finances than about the condition of the U.S. economy, although the percentage of Americans describing their personal economic circumstances as good has slipped from 76% in 2009 to 68% today.

Europeans are less sanguine about how their current personal finances stack up against how they and their families were doing five years ago. A majority of the Greeks (81%) and the Spanish (60%) feel they are doing worse off. And a plurality of the French, Italians, British, Czechs and Poles agree. The Germans say their family finances are about the same as five years ago. Nearly four-in-ten Americans (38%) say their situation is about the same, while 34% say it is worse and 27% describe their current financial situation as better.

Blame the Banks and the Government

Europeans’ assessment of their economies’ performance varies, as does who they blame for current economic conditions. Among those who say their economy is bad, people in four countries – the Czech Republic (91%), Poland (90%), Greece (87%) and Italy (84%) – overwhelmingly say their own governments are responsible for current economic problems. In two other European nations, Spain (78%) and France (74%), people put the onus on the banks and other major financial institutions. And in two countries, opinion is more divided: Britain (69% fault the banks, 67% blame their government) and Germany (74% blame banks, 70% fault the government).

In Britain, France, Germany and Spain, people ages 18-29 are especially likely to blame their own government. In Britain, France and Spain the people most judgmental of financial institutions are those 50 years of age and older.

Public assessments of the state of the nation, the economy and who is to blame often are rooted in a person’s politics and can divide along ideological lines. In Britain, France and the Czech Republic, countries with center-right governments when the survey was taken, people on the left are more dissatisfied with national conditions and the state of the economy than those on the right. In Greece, Spain and Italy, unhappiness with the national state of affairs and the economy is so profound that it transcends political leanings.

Pessimism About the Future

Looking forward, Europeans are uniformly downbeat about the future. Only 9% of the Greeks, 13% of the Czechs and 18% of the Poles expect the economic situation to improve over the next 12 months. Economic optimism is not much more widespread in France (22%), Italy (22%), Spain (25%) or Germany (29%). An overwhelming majority (81%) of Greeks actually expect the economy to worsen, including 53% who say it will worsen a lot. A majority of the Czechs (60%) and a plurality of the Spanish (47%) and the Italians (47%) also see things going downhill. Views about the future of the economy are relatively unchanged in most of Europe since 2011. But notably they are down nine points in Germany from last year.

Current American optimism about the economy clashes sharply with European pessimism. Roughly half (52%) of all Americans see the U.S. economy getting better over the next year, up 10 percentage points from 2011.

On a more personal level, Europeans are similarly gloomy about potential economic mobility for their children. Strong majorities of the Greeks (73%), the Spanish (69%) and the Italians (62%) think it will be very difficult for a young person in their country to get a better job and to become wealthier than his or her parents. Americans generally share Europeans’ pessimism for their children, although less intensely.

Nevertheless, this pessimism should be seen in context. Compared with their parents at their same age, majorities in most European countries think that their own standard of living is better than that of the previous generation. This includes 71% of the Spanish, 70% of the Germans and even 57% of the Greeks. Among the countries surveyed, only the French (48%) are not sure they live better than their parents. Six-in-ten Americans say they are better off than their elders, a total roughly comparable to the European median (59%).

Shared Economic Troubles

Troubled about their economies and their economic future, Europeans fret in overwhelming numbers about the three horsemen of economic anxiety: unemployment, debt, and inflation, as well as the power of the banks, but not trade unions.

Overall, Europeans are most worried that the lack of jobs poses a major threat to their national economic well-being, with concern the highest in Spain (97%), Greece (97%) and Italy (95%). Only in Germany does apprehension over the size of the national debt (77%) trump the fear of joblessness (70%). Debt is generally the second most troubling economic issue. In most countries, women are especially worried about public indebtedness.

Inflation fears outstrip debt worries in Italy and run neck and neck in Poland. In Germany, the Czech Republic, and France, the less educated are generally more concerned about rising prices than the more educated. Despite their national trauma with hyperinflation in the 1920s, Germans (56%) are less likely than the other Europeans surveyed to worry about rising prices.

The Greeks, with the worst performing economy in Europe, are overwhelmingly worried about all these threats to their well-being.

Americans share these European concerns. And they agree that a lack of jobs is a greater threat than public debt or inflation. But Americans are less likely to be worried about each of these issues than are the Europeans. Roughly seven-in-ten Americans (71%) fret about the size of the national debt. The percentage of Europeans who share this concern is even higher. Nearly two-thirds of Americans (64%) fear inflation; again, the concern in all but two of the European countries surveyed is higher. But unease about the national debt is far more likely to be a partisan issue in the United States than it is in Europe. Europeans, whatever their political leanings, tend to see indebtedness the same way. The left-right divide in concern is five percentage points in Germany, four in France, and three in Britain. It is 20 points in the United States, with only 59% of liberals ranking debt as a major threat to the economy compared with 79% of conservatives.

Structural Threats to Economic Well-Being

Among institutional and structural threats to national economic well-being, Europeans are more than three times as likely to worry about the power of banks and financial institutions as they are to be concerned about the power of trade unions. The Greeks (88%) are the most concerned about the power of the banks, as well as the influence of labor unions (40%). Notably, Americans are generally less likely than Europeans to think financial institutions imperil national economic well-being. Twice as many people in the United States are concerned about the influence of the banks as fret about the power of unions.

At a time of economic turmoil and anxiety throughout Europe, northern Europeans are less likely to acknowledge their economic interconnectedness than are southern and eastern Europeans. Majorities in France (60%), Germany (57%) and Britain (55%) say what happens in other European Union countries does not affect their own personal well-being. Half or more in Greece (82%), the Czech Republic (60%), Poland (55%), Italy (51%) and Spain (50%) think their personal fortunes are inextricably linked to developments elsewhere.

But, when asked about specific external economic threats, majorities in northern and eastern Europe think the economic woes of countries like Greece and Italy pose a major risk to the economic fortunes of their countries. This concern is especially strong in Germany (71%). And conservatives in France are more likely than those on the left to harbor such qualms.

Meanwhile, Greeks overwhelmingly believe the power of Germany and other EU nations seriously endangers their economic welfare – 83% say this is a major threat. Less than half, however, in Spain (47%), the Czech Republic (46%), Poland (40%) and Italy (39%) hold this view.

Fears of European economic turmoil have yet to cross the Atlantic. Only 41% of Americans think the economic problems in Europe pose a major threat to the U.S. economy.

Free Market Support Failing

One casualty of the euro crisis has been support for capitalism in Europe, especially in some countries most adversely impacted by the economic downturn. Around half the population in Spain (52%) and Greece (50%) do not believe that people are better off in a free market economy. And since 2007, before the global financial downturn, support for the free market system has fallen by 23 points in Italy, 20 points in Spain and nine points in the Czech Republic. But belief in capitalism has also fallen 15 points in Poland over that time period, when the Polish economy was doing relatively well.

Majorities in Germany (69%), Britain (61%) and France (58%) still believe that most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some people are rich and some are poor. Europeans with a college education are generally favorable toward capitalism. Men are generally more supportive than women. In Britain, France, the Czech Republic and Greece, those on the political right have a more positive view of free markets than do those on the left.

In Europe, what started out four years ago as a sovereign debt crisis, morphed into a euro currency crisis and led to the fall of several European governments, has now triggered a full-blown crisis of public confidence: in the economy, in the future, in the benefits of European economic integration, in membership in the European Union, in the euro and in the free market system. The public is very worried about joblessness, inflation and public debt, and those fears are fueling much of this uncertainty and negativity.

Europeans largely oppose further fiscal austerity to deal with the crisis. They are divided on bailing out indebted nations. They oppose Brussels’ impending oversight of national budgets. At the same time, Europeans who now use the euro have no desire to abandon it and return to their former currency. And anti-German sentiment is largely contained to Greece, at least for the moment.

The crisis has exposed sharp differences between some Europeans. Germany is the most admired nation in the EU and its leader the most respected. The Germans are judged to be Europe’s most hardworking people. And the Germans are the strongest supporters of both European economic integration and the European Union.

Greece is the polar opposite. None of its fellow EU members surveyed see it in a positive light. In turn, Greeks are among the most disparaging of European economic integration and the harshest critics of the European Union. And they see themselves as Europe’s most hardworking people.

These are among the key findings from a new survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted in eight EU nations and the United States among 9,108 respondents from March 17 to April 16.

European Unity in Trouble

The European project, which began with the creation of a small Common Market in 1957, grew to a larger Single Market in 1992 and then created a single currency in 2002, is a major casualty of the ongoing European sovereign debt crisis.

Across the eight European Union member countries surveyed, a median of only 34% think that European economic integration has strengthened their country’s economy. Indeed, majorities or near majorities in most nations now believe that the economic integration of Europe has actually weakened their economies. This is the opinion in Greece (70%), France (63%), Britain (61%), Italy (61%), the Czech Republic (59%) and Spain (50%). Only in Germany (59%) do most people say that their country has been well served by European integration.

Among the five euro area nations surveyed, a median of only 37% believes having the euro as their currency has been a good thing. This includes just 30% of the Italians and 31% of the French. At the same time, the three non-euro zone countries surveyed are quite happy they have kept their own currencies, including nearly three-quarters of the British (73%).

A median of about four-in-ten Europeans (39%) surveyed think favorably of the European Central Bank, the institution at the center of the debate over how to deal with the euro crisis. That includes just 15% of the Greeks, 25% of the Spanish and only 40% of the Germans.

Moreover, as public criticism of European unity grows, faith in its benefits and institutions erodes. Since 2009, belief that European economic integration, the raison d’être of the European Union, has weakened their national economy has grown by 22 percentage points in the Czech Republic, 20 points in Italy, and 18 points in Spain. And, since 2007, the favorability of the European Union as an organization has fallen 20 points in Spain and the Czech Republic, 19 points in Italy and 14 points in Poland.

Among the Europeans surveyed, only in Germany is there a growing majority that believes that integration has been an economic boon for the nation and a strong majority that says EU membership has been good. And only in Poland, a non-euro zone country that is also not a member of the European Central Bank, does more than half have a favorable opinion of that institution.

Nevertheless, the symbols of a united Europe retain public support. Despite the falloff in EU favorability, most Europeans surveyed still see the European Union in a positive light, including 69% of the Poles, 68% of the Germans and 60% of the French and Spanish. And more than half in all five euro area countries surveyed – including 71% of the Greeks, 69% of the French and 66% of the Germans – would like to keep the euro as their currency and not return to the drachma, the franc, the mark or other national currencies.

The euro crisis has also undermined support for free market capitalism. Solid majorities in only three of the eight countries surveyed – Germany 69%, Britain 61%, and France 58% – still believe that people are better off in a free market system. Moreover, since 2007, before the global financial crisis began, belief in capitalism is down 23 percentage points in Italy, 20 points in Spain, 15 points in Poland, 11 points in Britain, and nine points in the Czech Republic. In comparison, over that same time frame backing for the free market has remained relatively unchanged in the United States.

Deepening Gloom

As might be expected in a time of turmoil, Europeans are profoundly dissatisfied with the direction their countries are taking. This is nothing new. Europeans have been consistently downbeat about the state of their nations for the entire 11 years the Pew Global Attitudes Project has been surveying in Europe. But this year the mood is particularly grim. Miniscule numbers of Greeks (2%), Spanish (10%) and Italians (11%) say their country is on the right course. And satisfaction is down a whopping 41 percentage points in Spain since 2007, before the crisis began. The Germans, however, see things quite differently. More than half (53%) are satisfied with Germany’s trajectory. And such sentiment has brightened by 20 points in the last five years.

Dissatisfaction with their country’s direction tracks Europeans’ bleak assessment of their national economies. A median of just 16% of Europeans surveyed think their economy is performing well. The Greeks (2%), the Spanish (6%) and the Italians (6%) are particularly despairing. Again the Germans differ – 73% give strong marks to their economy. Europeans’ economic assessments have not changed that much since 2011. But there has been a profound negative turn in economic sentiment since 2007. Positive views of the economy have fallen 59 points in Spain and 54 points in Britain in the last five years. Again the Germans are the outliers. They are 10 points happier about the state of their economy than they were in 2007.

This concern about the economy is helping fuel frustration with the creation of a unified Europe. In a number of countries, strong majorities of those who think their economy is in bad shape also believe that European integration has been bad for their country, including two-thirds of the French (67%) and the Germans (67%) who are concerned about the economy and nearly that many Czechs (65%) and British (64%). Similarly, among those Germans who think the economy is doing poorly, 54% think that having the euro as their currency has been bad for Germany. A plurality (44%) of the French who are worried about their economy also are critical of the euro.

Europeans are divided over who is to blame for their economic woes. Among those who say their economy is bad, the Greeks (87%), Italians (84%), Poles (90%) and Czechs (91%) complain that their own governments are responsible for current economic distress. The French (74%), and Spanish (78%) fault the banks and other major financial institutions. The British and the Germans blame both. Such sentiments have not changed much in the last year. Notably, Europeans do not blame the United States.

A Bleak Future

Most Europeans have little hope for their economy’s future and do not think their children will have an easy time improving their lot, yet they acknowledge that, for all their current and possible future troubles, today’s generation is better off than their parents.

Across the board, Europeans expect the adverse effects of the euro crisis to continue for the immediate future. A median of 22% of those surveyed see the economy improving over the next year. The least optimistic are the Greeks (9%). The most optimistic are the British, but still only a third (32%) have a positive outlook. By comparison, Americans (52%) are 30 points more upbeat about the trajectory of the economy than are Europeans.

Among the EU nations surveyed, a median of 47% seriously doubt that their children will be able to climb the economic ladder. Such generational pessimism is particularly profound in those societies most hard hit by the euro crisis. Nearly three-quarters (73%) of the Greeks, 69% of the Spanish and 62% of the Italians worry it will be very difficult for young people in their countries to get a better job and to become wealthier than their parents. Notably, Germans are less pessimistic about economic mobility than are Americans.

Despite their glum assessment of current economic conditions and their doubt about economic prospects for their country and their children, Europeans do consider themselves better off than the previous generation. A median of nearly six-in-ten (59%) says their standard of living is superior to that of their parents. This is comparable to Americans’ (60%) view. Only in France (48%) does less than a majority see themselves as better off.

Pervasive Worry

Despondent about the economy, pessimistic about their economy’s prospects and worried about their children’s futures, Europeans see economic threats on all sides. Nearly nine-in-ten Europeans (88%) surveyed say unemployment poses a major threat to their economic well-being. This includes almost all the Spanish (97%) and all the Greeks (97%). Eight-in-ten (81%) think their country’s national debt is a threat, including again 97% of Greeks. And three-in-four (74%) Europeans surveyed believe rising prices could undermine their well-being. Inflation is particularly a concern in Greece (93%) and Italy (89%).

Greek and Spanish concern about joblessness is hardly surprising. The Greek unemployment rate was 21.7% in the months prior to the Pew Global survey. And in Spain it was 24.1% the month of the poll. But 70% of Germans are also worried about the lack of jobs even though Germany has a jobless rate of 5.6%, the lowest among the eight European countries surveyed. Similarly, Greek (97%) and Italian (81%) concern about the size of their national debt is in line with the 160.8% debt-to-GDP ratio in Greece and the 120.1% debt-to-GDP ratio in Italy. But 82% of the Czechs are also worried about their public indebtedness even though their debt to GDP ratio is only 41.5%. Most strikingly, 93% of the Greeks are concerned about rising prices even though their inflation rate is only 2.4%.

Americans also fret about all of these economic challenges. But they are markedly less worried than Europeans about both the national debt (71% concerned compared with 81% in Europe) and inflation (64% worried compared with 74% in Europe).

Little Faith in Leaders or Policies

Europeans have little faith in the ability of most of their leaders to deal with current economic challenges. Nor do they put much stock in many of the economic policy options now being pursued.

At the time the survey was taken in late March and early April, only minorities of the public in Spain (45% for Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy), Greece (32% for Prime Minister Lucas Papademos), Poland (25% for Prime Minister Donald Tusk) and the Czech Republic (25% for Prime Minister Petr Necas) thought their country’s leader was doing a good job handling the European economic crisis. About half of the British (51%) gave Prime Minister David Cameron good marks on this issue, while 48% of Italians said the same about Prime Minister Mario Monti. But weeks before he lost his bid for reelection, French President Nicolas Sarkozy still enjoyed the confidence of 56% of the French public for his management of the crisis.

In stark contrast, 80% of Germans thought Chancellor Angela Merkel had done a good job as an economic manager. Such appreciation for her acumen extends across most of the European countries surveyed. Strong majorities in six of the other seven nations said she was doing a fine job. Only the Greeks demurred. Just 14% gave her good marks.

Despite their widespread concern about national debt, Europeans evidence little support for further fiscal austerity in their ongoing debate about government spending. In five of seven nations, clear majorities say fiscal belt tightening is about right or has gone too far. This is particularly true in Spain (73%) and Britain (71%).

But Europeans are divided on the question of whether financial assistance should be provided to EU countries that run into major financial difficulties. In richer EU member countries – Britain (62%), France (56%) and Germany (48%) – close to half or more of the population opposes their government providing bailouts. As might be expected, in poorer EU nations, most say other EU governments should provide assistance to struggling nations.

There is general resistance to the recent decision to grant the European Union the authority to exercise limited oversight of national budgets. Three-quarters of the British (75%), Greeks (75%) and Czechs (73%) oppose this loss of national sovereignty.

A Europe Divided?

At a time when it faces its most serious economic challenge since its creation, the European Union is, in some ways, fractured into multiple, often discordant, elements. But these divisions do not always cut along presumed lines. Germans stand alone in their perceptions of their recent experience, their attitudes toward European unity and, in the eyes of their fellow Europeans, in terms of their character traits. But, contrary to their popular portrayal, the Germans do not differ markedly from other Europeans on policy issues. On many counts, it is the Greeks who are the most isolated in Europe. Meanwhile, a north-south split within Europe is far from clear cut.

The public mood in Germany is considerably more positive than elsewhere in Europe. They are the only Europeans surveyed who are satisfied with the direction of their country and who think their economy is doing well. Germany is the only country where a majority of the population currently thinks that European economic integration has strengthened the national economy. Germans are most likely, by far, to say that EU membership has been a good thing. They are the least concerned about the lack of jobs, rising prices and the power of unions. Germany is the most admired country in the EU and its chancellor the most respected leader. The Germans are seen by others as the most hard-working of Europeans and as the least corrupt.

But in public policy debates – over austerity, bailouts and budgetary sovereignty – German attitudes do not differ greatly from those of other Europeans.

Anti-German sentiment is most prevalent in Greece, where a majority (78%) has an unfavorable opinion of Germany, with nearly half (49%) of the population saying they have a very unfavorable view. Greece is the only country where a majority (84%) thinks German Chancellor Angela Merkel is doing a bad job dealing with the economic crisis. And they are intensely critical: 57% say she is doing a very bad job. The Greeks are, by far, the most likely to think that the power wielded over their economy by Germany and other European Union countries poses a major threat to their economy. And the Greeks are the least likely among Europeans surveyed to say the Germans are hardworking.

Their anti-German sentiment is only one measure of how Greeks and their country are isolated within Europe. None of Greece’s fellow EU members hold a positive view of the Aegean nation. And, since 2010, favorable views of Greece have fallen by 28 points in Poland, 20 points in France, 16 points in Spain, 13 points in Germany and 12 points in Britain.

The Greeks are the least happy with the direction of their country and the most upset about the state of their national economy among the European populations surveyed. They are the least optimistic about the economy and the most pessimistic about economic mobility. They are among the most fearful about unemployment, debt and inflation and the least supportive of the free market system. Greeks are the most critical of European economic integration and the European Central Bank. They are the most supportive of bailouts and among the most opposed to outsiders looking over their shoulder as they prepare their national budget. At the same time, seven-in-ten Greeks (71%) have a favorable view of their own country. Only the Germans (82%) and the British (78%) are more nationalistic. And 60% of the Greeks see themselves as the most hardworking people in Europe.

The north-south divide in Europe, a topic of great concern in policy circles in Brussels, is by no means uniform. No country in northern Europe has a positive view of Greece. But Britain, France and Germany still hold positive views of Italy and Spain.

Southern Europeans are more dissatisfied than northerners with the direction of their countries, more worried about the state of their economy and the most worried about economic mobility. But southerners share with northerners their disenchantment with the results of European integration.

There is no north-south divide on coping with the crisis. As might be expected, wealthy northern countries are less supportive of financial bailouts than poorer southern nations. But there is no clear-cut division of opinion on austerity or EU oversight of national budgets. Finally, with regard to the perception of the national character of the residents of southern European countries, the British, French and Germans judge the Greeks, Italians and Spanish to be the laziest people in Europe and among the most corrupt. However, Italians and Spaniards largely share this negative image of themselves and their southern counterparts.

Ukrainians, Lithuanians and Russians remain dissatisfied with national conditions; solid majorities in the three countries, especially in Ukraine and Lithuania, express discontent with the way things are going in their country and describe current economic conditions as poor. And few expect the economy to improve in the coming year.

Less Support for Move to Capitalism

Fewer than half in the three former Soviet republics surveyed approve of their country’s move from a state-controlled to a market economy. In Lithuania, somewhat more approve (45%) than disapprove (35%) of the changes, while Russians are nearly evenly divided (42% approve and 45% disapprove) and Ukrainians offer mostly negative assessments (34% approve vs. 51% disapprove).

Support for the move to a market economy has declined markedly since 1991, and this is especially the case in Lithuania and Ukraine. Two decades ago, about three-quarters (76%) of Lithuanians and a narrower majority of Ukrainians (52%) and Russians (54%) approved of the move to capitalism. In Lithuania and Russia, opinions about the change to a market economy are somewhat more negative than they were just two years ago, when half in each country approved of the move to capitalism.

Negative assessments of the move from a state-controlled to a market economy reflect, at least in part, the perception that most people are worse off financially than they were under communism. A fall 2009 survey found that a majority of Ukrainians (62%) and pluralities in Lithuania (48%) and Russia (45%) shared this view.

The fall 2009 survey also found that Russians, Ukrainians and Lithuanians are less enthusiastic about the economic changes than are publics in many Eastern European countries; in that survey, at least two-thirds in the former East Germany (82%), Czech Republic (79%), Poland (71%) and Slovakia (66%) said they approved of the move to a market economy.

As in the case of attitudes toward the move toward democracy, in the three former Soviet republics surveyed, opinions about the move to capitalism vary across age groups, with those younger than age 50 expressing far more enthusiasm than older generations. This gap is especially pronounced in Ukraine, where roughly half of those younger than 30 (49%) and 41% of those ages 30 to 49 approve of the changes, compared with 23% of 50-to-64 year-olds and just 15% of those ages 65 and older. A similar pattern is evident in Russia and Lithuania.

Views of economic changes also vary somewhat by educational attainment; in the three countries, those with a college degree are more likely than those with less education to approve of the move to capitalism. This gap is most notable in Russia, where a narrow majority (52%) of college graduates approves of the changes, compared with 39% of those who did not graduate from college.

In Lithuania, men are more enthusiastic than women about the move from a state-controlled to a market economy; 49% of men and 41% of women approve. No notable gender differences emerge in Russia or Ukraine.

Widespread Dissatisfaction

As has been the case in recent years, majorities in the former Soviet republics are unhappy with their country’s direction. At least eight-in-ten Ukrainians (87%) and Lithuanians (81%) are dissatisfied with the way things are going in their country; six-in-ten Russians also express discontent.

Similarly, about nine-in-ten in Ukraine (92%) and Lithuania (90%), and 65% in Russia, describe the current economic conditions in their country as poor, virtually unchanged from recent years.

Looking ahead, Ukrainians are the most pessimistic about their country’s economic prospects; 44% believe the economy will worsen over the next 12 months, while 36% think it will remain the same and just 15% say it will improve. In Russia and Lithuania, pluralities expect economic conditions to remain the same in the coming year (46% and 43%, respectively); but while more in Russia believe things will improve (28%) than say they will worsen (18%), the opposite is true in Lithuania, where 31% expect their country’s economy to worsen and 21% say it will improve.

Beyond the impact on specific groups, the prevailing view across all three countries is that the changes since 1991 have had a more negative than positive influence on society. When asked about the impact of political and economic changes on a range of issues – including national pride, ethnic relations and social values, fewer than half in each country say the changes have had a good influence in any area. In fact, majorities in all three countries say the changes since 1991 have had a deleterious effect on such things as living standards, public morality, how much people care about others, and law and order.

Lithuanians today are considerably less enthusiastic about the impact of political and economic change compared with 1991, when publics in the three nations were first asked about the dramatic transformations under way in their countries. However, criticism in Lithuania tends to be less harsh than in Ukraine or Russia, where negative assessments concerning two decades of change are both more pervasive and more intense.

Who Has Benefited?

In each of the countries surveyed, most believe ordinary citizens have benefited little, if at all, from the political and economic changes ushered in by the demise of the Soviet Union. Only about a quarter of Russians (26%) say average citizens have gained from two decades of change, while even fewer Lithuanians (20%) and Ukrainians (11%) agree. Across the three nations, roughly seven-in-ten or more say ordinary citizens have benefited not too much or not at all.

In sharp contrast, publics in each of the three countries are widely convinced that people who own businesses have benefited a fair amount or a great deal from the political and economic changes of the past two decades. Super-majorities in Russia (80%), Lithuania (78%) and Ukraine (76%) all hold this view.

Overwhelming numbers in each nation also believe politicians have gained from the changes since 1991. More than nine-in-ten Ukrainians (95%) and Lithuanians (91%) feel this is the case, while slightly fewer Russians (82%) think politicians have benefited from the changes.

Russian and Ukrainian assessments about who has gained the most from two decades of political and economic change have shifted only slightly since a fall 2009 Pew Global Attitudes survey first asked the same questions.

Publics in five other former communist-bloc countries – Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia – were also asked in the 2009 survey about who had gained from the political and economic changes in their countries.² Clear majorities in all five nations agreed that politicians and business owners had benefited from the changes. Only in the Czech Republic did more than half (53%) say the same about ordinary people. Elsewhere, the majority view was that average citizens had generally not benefited from the changes.

Impact of Change Across Countries

Given that most people in Lithuania, Russia and Ukraine believe the revolutionary changes set in motion twenty years ago have done little to improve the lives of ordinary citizens, it is not surprising that across a range of measures – from standard of living to law and order to family values to ethnic relations – the prevailing view is that the developments of the past two decades have done more harm than good in terms of personal and social well-being.

While disenchantment is evident in all three countries, Ukrainians and Russians tend to be more negative about the impact of political and economic change than Lithuanians. That said, compared with 1991, Ukrainian and Russian reactions to change have softened somewhat, while Lithuanians have grown generally more critical.

Influence of Changes: Ukraine

Ukrainians offer some of the harshest assessments of how two decades of change have impacted society. Roughly eight-in-ten, for instance, believe the political and economic transformations since 1991 have had a bad or very bad influence on the standard of living (82%), how much people care about others (82%) and law and order (79%). About two-thirds or more also point to negative impacts in terms of public morality (72%) and how hard people work (66%).

Roughly half of Ukrainians are critical of how the changes since 1991 have affected family values (53%) and spiritual values (49%). In the case of the former, only about a fifth (21%) believe the political and economic changes have had a positive effect on family values, while slightly more (31%) say spiritual values have improved.

When it comes to how different ethnic groups get along with one another, just over a third of Ukrainians (36%) believe two decades of change have hurt inter-ethnic relations. By comparison, about a quarter say political and economic changes have had either no influence (25%) or a positive influence (23%) on relations between ethnic groups.

Ukrainians are divided as to what the changes since 1991 have meant for their own outlook on life. About three-in-ten (28%) say the impact on how they think about things has been negative, while nearly the same percentage say the effect has been either non-existent (29%) or positive (28%).

Compared with twenty years ago, Ukrainian criticism of political and economic change has tended to soften. The largest shift has occurred with respect to inter-ethnic relations. Two decades ago, roughly three-quarters of Ukrainians (76%) thought the changes underway were having a bad influence on relations between ethnic groups; today, the number who hold this view is down 40 percentage points. Meanwhile, the proportion of Ukrainians who think political and economic changes are adversely affecting how people get along with one another has dropped 22 percentage points.

On other measures, Ukrainian opinion has shifted less dramatically. For example, the percentage of Ukrainians saying the political and economic transformations in their country have had a deleterious effect on how hard people work, living standards and national pride has declined 12 percentage points in each case since 1991.

There have also been slight declines in the number of Ukrainians who believe political and economic changes have had a bad influence on spiritual values (-7 percentage points), law and order (-7 points), family values (-6 points) and public morality (-5 points).

Influence of Changes: Russia

Although not as harsh as Ukrainians in judging particular societal impacts, Russians are nonetheless broadly critical of how twenty years of political and economic changes have affected their country. In fact, in all but one of the 11 areas measured by the survey, majorities in Russia say the changes have had a negative influence. This includes six-in-ten or more who believe that the past twenty years have brought deterioration in public morality (68%), the degree to which people care about others (65%), how well people get along with one another (63%), law and order (61%), standard of living (61%) and relations between ethnic groups (60%).

Smaller majorities in Russia believe the political and economic changes have adversely affected family values (57%), national pride (56%), spiritual values (53%) and how hard people work (52%).

Similar to Ukrainians, the one area where Russians are less certain about the impact of the past two decades is personal outlook. Three-in-ten say the changes since 1991 have had a bad influence on how they think about things, compared with the same percentage who say the changes have had a good influence. A fifth (20%) say the changes have not impacted their personal outlook.

In 1991, Russians tended to be even more critical of the political and economic transformations under way in their country. Since then, negative reactions have generally eased. The most dramatic shift in Russian views has occurred with respect to living standards. In 1991, fully nine-in-ten stated that political and economic changes were undercutting living standards; today, the percentage holding this view is 29 percentage points lower.

Russian criticism has also softened on other measures of social and personal well-being. For instance, over the past twenty years, there has been a sizable drop in the number of Russians who believe the changes have had a negative impact on how well people get along with one another (-20 percentage points), law and order (-19 points), inter-ethnic relations (-19 points) and how hard people work (-18 points).

Smaller shifts have occurred with respect to the percentage of Russians who see negative consequences for national pride (-13 percentage points) and public morality (-8 points).

Areas in which public opinion has remained basically unchanged compared with 20 years ago include personal outlook, family and spiritual values and how much people care about one another.

Influence of Changes: Lithuania

Like their post-Soviet counterparts, Lithuanians are critical of how the political and economic changes of the past twenty years have affected social and personal well-being in their country. As in Russia and Ukraine, majorities say the changes have had a negative influence on how much people care about others (60%), standard of living (56%), law and order (55%) and public morality (55%).

Roughly half also point to negative consequences for family values (50%) and how people get along with one another (48%). And more, on balance, believe the changes since 1991 have had a negative rather than positive influence on relations among people who live in their country (45% vs. 27%) and spiritual values (40% vs. 33%).

Unlike Ukrainians and Russians, however, Lithuanians allow that the past two decades have actually done more good than harm in a few areas. About half (49%), for instance, say that the political and economic changes have had a positive impact on national pride, compared with 30% who disagree. In addition, more say the last twenty years have had a good (39%) rather than bad (28%) influence on their personal outlook, and just over a third (36%) think that the changes since 1991 have positively influenced how hard people work, compared with 30% who hold the opposite view.

Twenty years ago, positive assessments of change were much more common in Lithuania. Indeed, since 1991, negative reactions have intensified on a number of fronts. Some of the biggest shifts in public opinion have occurred with respect to family and spiritual values, as well as national pride. Two decades ago, just 23% of Lithuanians thought the political and economic changes were having a bad influence on family values; today, 50% hold that view.

Meanwhile, opinion about the impact on spiritual values has moved in the same direction, with the percentage of Lithuanians seeing a negative impact increasing 24 percentage points between 1991 and 2011. Similarly, the proportion saying the changes have had a negative influence on national pride has risen 23 percentage points between 1991 and 2011.

Compared with twenty years ago, Lithuanians are also now more inclined to believe that political and economic changes have had a bad influence on how much people care about others (+19 percentage points) and public morality (+18 percentage points). More modest increases have occurred with respect to the number of Lithuanians who see negative consequences for how well people get along with one another and personal outlook (+8 and +5 percentage points, respectively).

Yet, there are exceptions to this pattern. On several measures, fewer, not more Lithuanians are downbeat about the impact of political and economic change. For example, the number worried that the political and economic changes have had a negative influence on the standard of living has declined 31 percentage points. Concerns about the impact of changes on relations between people have also eased, with the number seeing negative consequences falling 12 percentage points.

In addition, the proportion of Lithuanians who believe the political and economic changes have adversely affected how hard people work or harmed law and order has declined slightly (-7 percentage points in each case).