As China prepares for its once-in-a-decade change of leadership, the Chinese people believe their country faces serious and growing challenges. In particular, the side effects of rapid economic growth, including the gap between rich and poor, rising prices, pollution, and the loss of traditional culture are major concerns, and there are also increasing worries about political corruption. While the Chinese have consistently rated their national and personal economic situations positively over the last few years, they are now grappling with the concerns of a modern, increasingly wealthy society.

The Chinese public also increasingly expresses reservations about relations with the United States. Over the last two years, ratings for the U.S. and President Obama have declined significantly, and the percentage of Chinese who characterize their country’s relationship with the U.S. as one of cooperation has plummeted from 68% to 39%. Still, many Chinese embrace aspects of America’s soft power, including U.S. science and technology and American ideas about democracy.

Inflation remains the top concern of the Chinese public – six-in-ten consider rising prices a very big problem. Meanwhile, half say corrupt officials are a major problem, up from 39% four years ago.

Worries about consumer protection have also increased significantly. After a number of high-profile food safety scandals in recent years, concerns about the safety of food have more than tripled since 2008.

And while China’s economy has grown at a much faster rate than most countries since the onset of the global economic downturn, concerns about economic inequality have also increased. About half now say the gap between rich and poor is a very big problem, and roughly eight-in-ten agree with the view that in China the “rich just get richer while the poor get poorer.”

Moreover, the rapid changes that have transformed their society in recent years have not been welcomed by all Chinese. Most still say they like the pace of modern life, but fewer hold this view today than four years ago. Nearly six-in-ten say their traditional way of life is getting lost and even more think their way of life should be protected against foreign influence.

These are among the key findings from a survey of China conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 3,177 respondents between March 18 and April 15. The sample represents approximately 64% of the adult Chinese population.¹ This poll in China is part of the broader 21-nation spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey.

Despite Success, Many See Problems

While the global financial crisis has taken a serious toll in many nations over the last few years, most Chinese report continued economic progress – indeed, 70% say they are better off financially than they were five years ago. Among the 21 nations polled, Brazil is the only country where the public reports a comparable level of economic advancement. Additionally, a remarkable 92% of Chinese say their standard of living is better than their parents’ at a similar age. (For more on international economic mobility and other economic issues, see “Pervasive Gloom About the World Economy,” released July 12, 2012).

Given this economic mobility and the overall success of economic reforms since the late 1970s, it is not too surprising that free markets are popular. Roughly three-in-four Chinese agree that most people are better off in a free market economy.

However, there is a general consensus in China that the economic gains of recent years have not benefited everyone equally: 81% agree with the statement the “rich just get richer while the poor get poorer,” and 45% completely agree. Roughly half (48%) say the gap between rich and poor is a very serious problem, up from 41% four years ago (fully 87% consider it at least a moderately big problem).

And some Chinese doubt whether simply working hard is enough to guarantee success in today’s China. While 45% agree with the statement “most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard,” one-in-three disagrees. Those who are doing better economically are much more likely to see a link between effort and success – 62% of higher-income Chinese believe most people can be successful if they work hard, compared with 45% of middle- and 44% of lower-income respondents.²

In another sign that many do not see a level playing field in Chinese society, there are growing worries about corruption. Half now say corrupt officials are a very big problem, up 11 percentage points since 2008; and 32% say this about corrupt business people, also up 11 points from four years ago.

Consumer protection is another rising concern. Four years ago, just 12% rated food safety a very big problem; today, it’s 41%. The percentage expressing very serious concerns about the safety of medicine has more than tripled, from 9% in 2008 to 28% today. And more now are very worried about the quality of manufactured goods (13% in 2008; 33% now).

Increasingly, people are also anxious about having a social safety net. Since 2008, the percentage of those rating old age insurance a very big problem has more than doubled (from 13% to 28%), while the percentage who say the same about health care has jumped from 12% to 26%. The environment is also a serious concern to many. A third or more rate air (36%) and water pollution (33%) as very big problems.

In addition, many Chinese are worried about the current state and direction of their culture and traditions. Most (57%) think their way of life is getting lost and 71% want to see their way of life protected from foreign influence. While 59% still say they like the pace of modern life, this is down from 71% four years ago. Wealthier Chinese are more likely to embrace modern life; 73% of those with higher incomes say they like it, compared with just 61% of middle and 54% of lower income Chinese.

Growing Wariness of the U.S.

Over the last two years, Chinese views about their country’s relationship with the U.S. have shifted substantially. In 2010, roughly two-in-three described the U.S.-China relationship as one of cooperation; today, just 39% view it this way. Meanwhile, 26% now say the relationship is one of hostility, up from 8% in the 2010 poll.

Similarly, while 58% had a positive view of the U.S. in 2010, only 43% do so today. President Obama’s ratings have also slipped – currently, 38% express confidence that he will do the right thing in world affairs, down from 52% two years ago.

Nonetheless, many Chinese – especially younger, wealthier, well-educated, and urban Chinese – continue to embrace certain elements of American soft power. In particular, many admire the U.S. for its scientific and technological achievements.

And in a country that remains a one-party state, American-style democracy has a strong appeal. Roughly half (52%) say they like American ideas about democracy; just 29% say they dislike these ideas. About seven-in-ten Chinese in the higher-income category have a positive opinion about American democratic ideals.

Just like opinions regarding the U.S.-China relationship, views about the India-China relationship have cooled over the last two years. In 2010, 53% described relations between the two Asian powers as one of cooperation, compared with 39% now.

Views on the Japan-China relationship are, on balance, negative. Just three-in-ten Chinese say their relationship with Japan is one of cooperation; fully 41% describe it in terms of hostility.

Views of China’s Economic Power

Globally, perceptions of Chinese economic power have been on the rise since the onset of the financial crisis in 2008, and today many believe China is the world’s top economy. Across the 21 countries included in the spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey, a median of 41% said China is the economic leader, while 37% named the U.S. (For more on international perceptions of China and the U.S., see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).

The Chinese, however, do not believe they have ascended to the top spot. About half (48%) say the U.S. is the world’s leading economy, while just 29% believe it is China. Americans, meanwhile, are divided: 41% think China is the top global economy, while 40% believe the U.S. remains the leader.

In Europe, what started out four years ago as a sovereign debt crisis, morphed into a euro currency crisis and led to the fall of several European governments, has now triggered a full-blown crisis of public confidence: in the economy, in the future, in the benefits of European economic integration, in membership in the European Union, in the euro and in the free market system. The public is very worried about joblessness, inflation and public debt, and those fears are fueling much of this uncertainty and negativity.

Europeans largely oppose further fiscal austerity to deal with the crisis. They are divided on bailing out indebted nations. They oppose Brussels’ impending oversight of national budgets. At the same time, Europeans who now use the euro have no desire to abandon it and return to their former currency. And anti-German sentiment is largely contained to Greece, at least for the moment.

The crisis has exposed sharp differences between some Europeans. Germany is the most admired nation in the EU and its leader the most respected. The Germans are judged to be Europe’s most hardworking people. And the Germans are the strongest supporters of both European economic integration and the European Union.

Greece is the polar opposite. None of its fellow EU members surveyed see it in a positive light. In turn, Greeks are among the most disparaging of European economic integration and the harshest critics of the European Union. And they see themselves as Europe’s most hardworking people.

These are among the key findings from a new survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted in eight EU nations and the United States among 9,108 respondents from March 17 to April 16.

European Unity in Trouble

The European project, which began with the creation of a small Common Market in 1957, grew to a larger Single Market in 1992 and then created a single currency in 2002, is a major casualty of the ongoing European sovereign debt crisis.

Across the eight European Union member countries surveyed, a median of only 34% think that European economic integration has strengthened their country’s economy. Indeed, majorities or near majorities in most nations now believe that the economic integration of Europe has actually weakened their economies. This is the opinion in Greece (70%), France (63%), Britain (61%), Italy (61%), the Czech Republic (59%) and Spain (50%). Only in Germany (59%) do most people say that their country has been well served by European integration.

Among the five euro area nations surveyed, a median of only 37% believes having the euro as their currency has been a good thing. This includes just 30% of the Italians and 31% of the French. At the same time, the three non-euro zone countries surveyed are quite happy they have kept their own currencies, including nearly three-quarters of the British (73%).

A median of about four-in-ten Europeans (39%) surveyed think favorably of the European Central Bank, the institution at the center of the debate over how to deal with the euro crisis. That includes just 15% of the Greeks, 25% of the Spanish and only 40% of the Germans.

Moreover, as public criticism of European unity grows, faith in its benefits and institutions erodes. Since 2009, belief that European economic integration, the raison d’être of the European Union, has weakened their national economy has grown by 22 percentage points in the Czech Republic, 20 points in Italy, and 18 points in Spain. And, since 2007, the favorability of the European Union as an organization has fallen 20 points in Spain and the Czech Republic, 19 points in Italy and 14 points in Poland.

Among the Europeans surveyed, only in Germany is there a growing majority that believes that integration has been an economic boon for the nation and a strong majority that says EU membership has been good. And only in Poland, a non-euro zone country that is also not a member of the European Central Bank, does more than half have a favorable opinion of that institution.

Nevertheless, the symbols of a united Europe retain public support. Despite the falloff in EU favorability, most Europeans surveyed still see the European Union in a positive light, including 69% of the Poles, 68% of the Germans and 60% of the French and Spanish. And more than half in all five euro area countries surveyed – including 71% of the Greeks, 69% of the French and 66% of the Germans – would like to keep the euro as their currency and not return to the drachma, the franc, the mark or other national currencies.

The euro crisis has also undermined support for free market capitalism. Solid majorities in only three of the eight countries surveyed – Germany 69%, Britain 61%, and France 58% – still believe that people are better off in a free market system. Moreover, since 2007, before the global financial crisis began, belief in capitalism is down 23 percentage points in Italy, 20 points in Spain, 15 points in Poland, 11 points in Britain, and nine points in the Czech Republic. In comparison, over that same time frame backing for the free market has remained relatively unchanged in the United States.

Deepening Gloom

As might be expected in a time of turmoil, Europeans are profoundly dissatisfied with the direction their countries are taking. This is nothing new. Europeans have been consistently downbeat about the state of their nations for the entire 11 years the Pew Global Attitudes Project has been surveying in Europe. But this year the mood is particularly grim. Miniscule numbers of Greeks (2%), Spanish (10%) and Italians (11%) say their country is on the right course. And satisfaction is down a whopping 41 percentage points in Spain since 2007, before the crisis began. The Germans, however, see things quite differently. More than half (53%) are satisfied with Germany’s trajectory. And such sentiment has brightened by 20 points in the last five years.

Dissatisfaction with their country’s direction tracks Europeans’ bleak assessment of their national economies. A median of just 16% of Europeans surveyed think their economy is performing well. The Greeks (2%), the Spanish (6%) and the Italians (6%) are particularly despairing. Again the Germans differ – 73% give strong marks to their economy. Europeans’ economic assessments have not changed that much since 2011. But there has been a profound negative turn in economic sentiment since 2007. Positive views of the economy have fallen 59 points in Spain and 54 points in Britain in the last five years. Again the Germans are the outliers. They are 10 points happier about the state of their economy than they were in 2007.

This concern about the economy is helping fuel frustration with the creation of a unified Europe. In a number of countries, strong majorities of those who think their economy is in bad shape also believe that European integration has been bad for their country, including two-thirds of the French (67%) and the Germans (67%) who are concerned about the economy and nearly that many Czechs (65%) and British (64%). Similarly, among those Germans who think the economy is doing poorly, 54% think that having the euro as their currency has been bad for Germany. A plurality (44%) of the French who are worried about their economy also are critical of the euro.

Europeans are divided over who is to blame for their economic woes. Among those who say their economy is bad, the Greeks (87%), Italians (84%), Poles (90%) and Czechs (91%) complain that their own governments are responsible for current economic distress. The French (74%), and Spanish (78%) fault the banks and other major financial institutions. The British and the Germans blame both. Such sentiments have not changed much in the last year. Notably, Europeans do not blame the United States.

A Bleak Future

Most Europeans have little hope for their economy’s future and do not think their children will have an easy time improving their lot, yet they acknowledge that, for all their current and possible future troubles, today’s generation is better off than their parents.

Across the board, Europeans expect the adverse effects of the euro crisis to continue for the immediate future. A median of 22% of those surveyed see the economy improving over the next year. The least optimistic are the Greeks (9%). The most optimistic are the British, but still only a third (32%) have a positive outlook. By comparison, Americans (52%) are 30 points more upbeat about the trajectory of the economy than are Europeans.

Among the EU nations surveyed, a median of 47% seriously doubt that their children will be able to climb the economic ladder. Such generational pessimism is particularly profound in those societies most hard hit by the euro crisis. Nearly three-quarters (73%) of the Greeks, 69% of the Spanish and 62% of the Italians worry it will be very difficult for young people in their countries to get a better job and to become wealthier than their parents. Notably, Germans are less pessimistic about economic mobility than are Americans.

Despite their glum assessment of current economic conditions and their doubt about economic prospects for their country and their children, Europeans do consider themselves better off than the previous generation. A median of nearly six-in-ten (59%) says their standard of living is superior to that of their parents. This is comparable to Americans’ (60%) view. Only in France (48%) does less than a majority see themselves as better off.

Pervasive Worry

Despondent about the economy, pessimistic about their economy’s prospects and worried about their children’s futures, Europeans see economic threats on all sides. Nearly nine-in-ten Europeans (88%) surveyed say unemployment poses a major threat to their economic well-being. This includes almost all the Spanish (97%) and all the Greeks (97%). Eight-in-ten (81%) think their country’s national debt is a threat, including again 97% of Greeks. And three-in-four (74%) Europeans surveyed believe rising prices could undermine their well-being. Inflation is particularly a concern in Greece (93%) and Italy (89%).

Greek and Spanish concern about joblessness is hardly surprising. The Greek unemployment rate was 21.7% in the months prior to the Pew Global survey. And in Spain it was 24.1% the month of the poll. But 70% of Germans are also worried about the lack of jobs even though Germany has a jobless rate of 5.6%, the lowest among the eight European countries surveyed. Similarly, Greek (97%) and Italian (81%) concern about the size of their national debt is in line with the 160.8% debt-to-GDP ratio in Greece and the 120.1% debt-to-GDP ratio in Italy. But 82% of the Czechs are also worried about their public indebtedness even though their debt to GDP ratio is only 41.5%. Most strikingly, 93% of the Greeks are concerned about rising prices even though their inflation rate is only 2.4%.

Americans also fret about all of these economic challenges. But they are markedly less worried than Europeans about both the national debt (71% concerned compared with 81% in Europe) and inflation (64% worried compared with 74% in Europe).

Little Faith in Leaders or Policies

Europeans have little faith in the ability of most of their leaders to deal with current economic challenges. Nor do they put much stock in many of the economic policy options now being pursued.

At the time the survey was taken in late March and early April, only minorities of the public in Spain (45% for Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy), Greece (32% for Prime Minister Lucas Papademos), Poland (25% for Prime Minister Donald Tusk) and the Czech Republic (25% for Prime Minister Petr Necas) thought their country’s leader was doing a good job handling the European economic crisis. About half of the British (51%) gave Prime Minister David Cameron good marks on this issue, while 48% of Italians said the same about Prime Minister Mario Monti. But weeks before he lost his bid for reelection, French President Nicolas Sarkozy still enjoyed the confidence of 56% of the French public for his management of the crisis.

In stark contrast, 80% of Germans thought Chancellor Angela Merkel had done a good job as an economic manager. Such appreciation for her acumen extends across most of the European countries surveyed. Strong majorities in six of the other seven nations said she was doing a fine job. Only the Greeks demurred. Just 14% gave her good marks.

Despite their widespread concern about national debt, Europeans evidence little support for further fiscal austerity in their ongoing debate about government spending. In five of seven nations, clear majorities say fiscal belt tightening is about right or has gone too far. This is particularly true in Spain (73%) and Britain (71%).

But Europeans are divided on the question of whether financial assistance should be provided to EU countries that run into major financial difficulties. In richer EU member countries – Britain (62%), France (56%) and Germany (48%) – close to half or more of the population opposes their government providing bailouts. As might be expected, in poorer EU nations, most say other EU governments should provide assistance to struggling nations.

There is general resistance to the recent decision to grant the European Union the authority to exercise limited oversight of national budgets. Three-quarters of the British (75%), Greeks (75%) and Czechs (73%) oppose this loss of national sovereignty.

A Europe Divided?

At a time when it faces its most serious economic challenge since its creation, the European Union is, in some ways, fractured into multiple, often discordant, elements. But these divisions do not always cut along presumed lines. Germans stand alone in their perceptions of their recent experience, their attitudes toward European unity and, in the eyes of their fellow Europeans, in terms of their character traits. But, contrary to their popular portrayal, the Germans do not differ markedly from other Europeans on policy issues. On many counts, it is the Greeks who are the most isolated in Europe. Meanwhile, a north-south split within Europe is far from clear cut.

The public mood in Germany is considerably more positive than elsewhere in Europe. They are the only Europeans surveyed who are satisfied with the direction of their country and who think their economy is doing well. Germany is the only country where a majority of the population currently thinks that European economic integration has strengthened the national economy. Germans are most likely, by far, to say that EU membership has been a good thing. They are the least concerned about the lack of jobs, rising prices and the power of unions. Germany is the most admired country in the EU and its chancellor the most respected leader. The Germans are seen by others as the most hard-working of Europeans and as the least corrupt.

But in public policy debates – over austerity, bailouts and budgetary sovereignty – German attitudes do not differ greatly from those of other Europeans.

Anti-German sentiment is most prevalent in Greece, where a majority (78%) has an unfavorable opinion of Germany, with nearly half (49%) of the population saying they have a very unfavorable view. Greece is the only country where a majority (84%) thinks German Chancellor Angela Merkel is doing a bad job dealing with the economic crisis. And they are intensely critical: 57% say she is doing a very bad job. The Greeks are, by far, the most likely to think that the power wielded over their economy by Germany and other European Union countries poses a major threat to their economy. And the Greeks are the least likely among Europeans surveyed to say the Germans are hardworking.

Their anti-German sentiment is only one measure of how Greeks and their country are isolated within Europe. None of Greece’s fellow EU members hold a positive view of the Aegean nation. And, since 2010, favorable views of Greece have fallen by 28 points in Poland, 20 points in France, 16 points in Spain, 13 points in Germany and 12 points in Britain.

The Greeks are the least happy with the direction of their country and the most upset about the state of their national economy among the European populations surveyed. They are the least optimistic about the economy and the most pessimistic about economic mobility. They are among the most fearful about unemployment, debt and inflation and the least supportive of the free market system. Greeks are the most critical of European economic integration and the European Central Bank. They are the most supportive of bailouts and among the most opposed to outsiders looking over their shoulder as they prepare their national budget. At the same time, seven-in-ten Greeks (71%) have a favorable view of their own country. Only the Germans (82%) and the British (78%) are more nationalistic. And 60% of the Greeks see themselves as the most hardworking people in Europe.

The north-south divide in Europe, a topic of great concern in policy circles in Brussels, is by no means uniform. No country in northern Europe has a positive view of Greece. But Britain, France and Germany still hold positive views of Italy and Spain.

Southern Europeans are more dissatisfied than northerners with the direction of their countries, more worried about the state of their economy and the most worried about economic mobility. But southerners share with northerners their disenchantment with the results of European integration.

There is no north-south divide on coping with the crisis. As might be expected, wealthy northern countries are less supportive of financial bailouts than poorer southern nations. But there is no clear-cut division of opinion on austerity or EU oversight of national budgets. Finally, with regard to the perception of the national character of the residents of southern European countries, the British, French and Germans judge the Greeks, Italians and Spanish to be the laziest people in Europe and among the most corrupt. However, Italians and Spaniards largely share this negative image of themselves and their southern counterparts.

Widespread Dissatisfaction

In the fourth year of the global financial crisis, there is widespread public dissatisfaction in seven of the eight European nations surveyed. Just a small fraction of Europeans are happy with the direction of their nation. Only in Germany (53%) is more than half the population content with national conditions. The mood is particularly grim in Greece, where just 2% of Greeks are satisfied.

There is, however, not much change in national sentiment from last year in five countries where there is comparable data. Sentiment is roughly unchanged in Britain, Poland, Spain and France. Only in Germany have assessments improved significantly, from 43% in 2011 to 53% in 2012.

Compared with 2007, before the crisis hit, national satisfaction today is down by 41 points in Spain and nine points in the Czech Republic. At the same time, it is up 20 points in Germany (from 33% to 53%), up 15 points in Poland (from 18% to 33%) and up seven points in France (from 22% to 29%).

National dissatisfaction is a shared transatlantic phenomenon. Only 29% of Americans are satisfied with the way things are going in their country. That figure is up eight points from 2011.

Economic Gloom

National discontent is rooted in an extremely gloomy assessment of local economic conditions, especially in southern Europe. Only 2% of the Greeks and 6% of the Italians and Spanish describe the current economic situation in their countries as good. But economic perceptions are not that much better in most of northern or eastern Europe. Only 15% of the British, 16% of the Czechs, 19% of the French and 29% of the Poles say their economy is doing well.

And economic despair is profound. An overwhelming 78% of the Greeks and 72% of the Spanish think their national economic performance is “very bad,” as do 56% of Italians. And that strongly negative Italian assessment has increased 28 percentage points since the fall of 2009.

In most countries, the public’s economic assessment has declined since 2007, before the economic crisis began, although a majority of the French, Italians and Czechs have never been satisfied with their economies since Pew began surveying in 2002. In Germany and Poland, on the other hand, public economic sentiment has been on a roller coaster ride, with wide mood swings, often from one year to the next, for the last decade. At the moment, the Germans could not be more pleased about economic conditions. Nearly three-quarters (73%) say their economy is good, up 45 points from the spring of 2009.

By comparison, while less than a third (31%) of Americans say economic conditions are good, that is up 13 points from last year. That economic assessment, while anemic, is still better than that in most European countries surveyed. It is, however, far less than the half of Americans who were satisfied with the economy in 2007, before the Wall Street debacle.

Personal Finances Deteriorating

Europeans generally say that their personal economic situation is much better than their perception of their own national economic conditions. But even that more positive assessment has deteriorated sharply since 2009 in many countries. Half or more of those in five of the eight nations surveyed say their economic condition is good, including Germany (74%), France (65%) and Britain (64%). But that sentiment is down 12 percentage points in Spain, 10 points in Britain and Poland and eight points in France since 2009. Personal economic assessments are unchanged in Germany.

Like their European counterparts, Americans feel better about their own finances than about the condition of the U.S. economy, although the percentage of Americans describing their personal economic circumstances as good has slipped from 76% in 2009 to 68% today.

Europeans are less sanguine about how their current personal finances stack up against how they and their families were doing five years ago. A majority of the Greeks (81%) and the Spanish (60%) feel they are doing worse off. And a plurality of the French, Italians, British, Czechs and Poles agree. The Germans say their family finances are about the same as five years ago. Nearly four-in-ten Americans (38%) say their situation is about the same, while 34% say it is worse and 27% describe their current financial situation as better.

Blame the Banks and the Government

Europeans’ assessment of their economies’ performance varies, as does who they blame for current economic conditions. Among those who say their economy is bad, people in four countries – the Czech Republic (91%), Poland (90%), Greece (87%) and Italy (84%) – overwhelmingly say their own governments are responsible for current economic problems. In two other European nations, Spain (78%) and France (74%), people put the onus on the banks and other major financial institutions. And in two countries, opinion is more divided: Britain (69% fault the banks, 67% blame their government) and Germany (74% blame banks, 70% fault the government).

In Britain, France, Germany and Spain, people ages 18-29 are especially likely to blame their own government. In Britain, France and Spain the people most judgmental of financial institutions are those 50 years of age and older.

Public assessments of the state of the nation, the economy and who is to blame often are rooted in a person’s politics and can divide along ideological lines. In Britain, France and the Czech Republic, countries with center-right governments when the survey was taken, people on the left are more dissatisfied with national conditions and the state of the economy than those on the right. In Greece, Spain and Italy, unhappiness with the national state of affairs and the economy is so profound that it transcends political leanings.

Pessimism About the Future

Looking forward, Europeans are uniformly downbeat about the future. Only 9% of the Greeks, 13% of the Czechs and 18% of the Poles expect the economic situation to improve over the next 12 months. Economic optimism is not much more widespread in France (22%), Italy (22%), Spain (25%) or Germany (29%). An overwhelming majority (81%) of Greeks actually expect the economy to worsen, including 53% who say it will worsen a lot. A majority of the Czechs (60%) and a plurality of the Spanish (47%) and the Italians (47%) also see things going downhill. Views about the future of the economy are relatively unchanged in most of Europe since 2011. But notably they are down nine points in Germany from last year.

Current American optimism about the economy clashes sharply with European pessimism. Roughly half (52%) of all Americans see the U.S. economy getting better over the next year, up 10 percentage points from 2011.

On a more personal level, Europeans are similarly gloomy about potential economic mobility for their children. Strong majorities of the Greeks (73%), the Spanish (69%) and the Italians (62%) think it will be very difficult for a young person in their country to get a better job and to become wealthier than his or her parents. Americans generally share Europeans’ pessimism for their children, although less intensely.

Nevertheless, this pessimism should be seen in context. Compared with their parents at their same age, majorities in most European countries think that their own standard of living is better than that of the previous generation. This includes 71% of the Spanish, 70% of the Germans and even 57% of the Greeks. Among the countries surveyed, only the French (48%) are not sure they live better than their parents. Six-in-ten Americans say they are better off than their elders, a total roughly comparable to the European median (59%).

Shared Economic Troubles

Troubled about their economies and their economic future, Europeans fret in overwhelming numbers about the three horsemen of economic anxiety: unemployment, debt, and inflation, as well as the power of the banks, but not trade unions.

Overall, Europeans are most worried that the lack of jobs poses a major threat to their national economic well-being, with concern the highest in Spain (97%), Greece (97%) and Italy (95%). Only in Germany does apprehension over the size of the national debt (77%) trump the fear of joblessness (70%). Debt is generally the second most troubling economic issue. In most countries, women are especially worried about public indebtedness.

Inflation fears outstrip debt worries in Italy and run neck and neck in Poland. In Germany, the Czech Republic, and France, the less educated are generally more concerned about rising prices than the more educated. Despite their national trauma with hyperinflation in the 1920s, Germans (56%) are less likely than the other Europeans surveyed to worry about rising prices.

The Greeks, with the worst performing economy in Europe, are overwhelmingly worried about all these threats to their well-being.

Americans share these European concerns. And they agree that a lack of jobs is a greater threat than public debt or inflation. But Americans are less likely to be worried about each of these issues than are the Europeans. Roughly seven-in-ten Americans (71%) fret about the size of the national debt. The percentage of Europeans who share this concern is even higher. Nearly two-thirds of Americans (64%) fear inflation; again, the concern in all but two of the European countries surveyed is higher. But unease about the national debt is far more likely to be a partisan issue in the United States than it is in Europe. Europeans, whatever their political leanings, tend to see indebtedness the same way. The left-right divide in concern is five percentage points in Germany, four in France, and three in Britain. It is 20 points in the United States, with only 59% of liberals ranking debt as a major threat to the economy compared with 79% of conservatives.

Structural Threats to Economic Well-Being

Among institutional and structural threats to national economic well-being, Europeans are more than three times as likely to worry about the power of banks and financial institutions as they are to be concerned about the power of trade unions. The Greeks (88%) are the most concerned about the power of the banks, as well as the influence of labor unions (40%). Notably, Americans are generally less likely than Europeans to think financial institutions imperil national economic well-being. Twice as many people in the United States are concerned about the influence of the banks as fret about the power of unions.

At a time of economic turmoil and anxiety throughout Europe, northern Europeans are less likely to acknowledge their economic interconnectedness than are southern and eastern Europeans. Majorities in France (60%), Germany (57%) and Britain (55%) say what happens in other European Union countries does not affect their own personal well-being. Half or more in Greece (82%), the Czech Republic (60%), Poland (55%), Italy (51%) and Spain (50%) think their personal fortunes are inextricably linked to developments elsewhere.

But, when asked about specific external economic threats, majorities in northern and eastern Europe think the economic woes of countries like Greece and Italy pose a major risk to the economic fortunes of their countries. This concern is especially strong in Germany (71%). And conservatives in France are more likely than those on the left to harbor such qualms.

Meanwhile, Greeks overwhelmingly believe the power of Germany and other EU nations seriously endangers their economic welfare – 83% say this is a major threat. Less than half, however, in Spain (47%), the Czech Republic (46%), Poland (40%) and Italy (39%) hold this view.

Fears of European economic turmoil have yet to cross the Atlantic. Only 41% of Americans think the economic problems in Europe pose a major threat to the U.S. economy.

Free Market Support Failing

One casualty of the euro crisis has been support for capitalism in Europe, especially in some countries most adversely impacted by the economic downturn. Around half the population in Spain (52%) and Greece (50%) do not believe that people are better off in a free market economy. And since 2007, before the global financial downturn, support for the free market system has fallen by 23 points in Italy, 20 points in Spain and nine points in the Czech Republic. But belief in capitalism has also fallen 15 points in Poland over that time period, when the Polish economy was doing relatively well.

Majorities in Germany (69%), Britain (61%) and France (58%) still believe that most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some people are rich and some are poor. Europeans with a college education are generally favorable toward capitalism. Men are generally more supportive than women. In Britain, France, the Czech Republic and Greece, those on the political right have a more positive view of free markets than do those on the left.