Europeans generally reacted to President Obama’s re-election with a mixture of excitement and relief, just as they did four years ago. For many across the Atlantic, Obama’s 2008 victory signaled the end of the Bush-era estrangement between the U.S. and its Western allies, and the emergence of an America that would see the world a lot like Europeans do. However, despite Obama’s re-election at home and continued popularity in Europe, his presidency has not closed the long-running transatlantic values gap. Instead, on issues such as the use of military force, religion, and individualism, Americans and Europeans continue to disagree.

Obama has been popular in Europe since he toured the Continent as a presidential contender. Following George W. Bush’s two terms in office, Europeans immediately embraced Obama’s presidency. A stunning 93% of Germans expressed confidence in Obama in the early months of his first term, compared with just 14% for Bush during his final year in office. In Britain, France, and Spain, the new American president also received stratospheric ratings.

The result was a dramatic “Obama effect” on attitudes toward the U.S. In France, for instance, America’s favorability rating soared from 42% in 2008 to 75% in 2009. And importantly, support for American policies grew, especially support for U.S. anti-terrorism efforts. The enthusiasm that greeted Obama’s election has waned a bit over time, even in Europe, but vestiges of “Obamamania” remain. The 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey found at least eight-in-ten expressing confidence in the U.S. president in Germany, France, and Britain.

However, while the pervasive anti-Americanism of the Bush years has receded, the “values gap” between Americans and Europeans is alive and well. Polls consistently find a transatlantic divide when it comes to fundamental beliefs on a variety of political and cultural issues. Americans and Europeans view each other with less hostility today, but they still don’t see the world in the same way.

Take the issue of military force. Americans remain more inclined than Europeans to say it’s necessary to use military force to maintain order in the world. Meanwhile, they are significantly less likely than Europeans to believe that getting UN approval is necessary before using military force to deal with international threats. America’s willingness to “go it alone” in world affairs has become an ingrained piece of the country’s international image – and it hasn’t changed much in the Obama years. Majorities across Europe continue to see the U.S. as acting unilaterally, not taking into account the interests of other nations when making foreign policy.

The Obama administration’s use of drone strikes illustrates the divide over hard power. About six-in-ten Americans – including majorities of Republicans, Democrats, and independents – approve of U.S. drone attacks against extremist leaders and organizations in countries such as Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia. But in seven of the eight EU nations surveyed by Pew in 2012, more than half oppose these strikes, including nine-in-ten Greeks and 76% in Spain. The lone exception is the British, who are almost evenly divided on this issue.

Religion is another topic where Americans and Europeans hold very different views. In largely secular Western European nations such as Spain, Germany, Britain, and France, less than a quarter consider religion very important to their lives. Even in Poland, where Catholicism still plays an important role in public life, only 27% say religion is very important. By contrast, fully half of Americans hold this view. Similarly, solid majorities in the six EU nations surveyed by Pew in 2011 said you do not have to believe in God to be a moral person, but only 46% of Americans felt this way.

The same 2011 poll asked Christians from the U.S. and eight European nations whether they identify first with their nationality or their religion. Americans were evenly split: 46% said they think of themselves first as Americans and 46% as Christians. In seven of the eight European countries, a majority of Christians identified primarily with their nationality. Only 8% of French Christians, for example, said they thought of themselves first as Christians.

Individualism also continues to differentiate Americans and Europeans. Most Americans believe individuals largely control their own fate – just 36% agree with the statement “Success in life is pretty much determined by forces outside our control.” However, half or more in Germany, France, and Spain agree with this statement.

Europeans also believe in a very different relationship between the individual and the state. When asked which is more important, that everyone be free to pursue life’s goals without interference from the state, or that the state play an active role in society to guarantee that no one is in need, 58% of Americans choose the former. Majorities across Western and Eastern Europe, on the other hand, say making sure no one is in need should be a bigger priority.

Of course, even on fundamental values like these, opinions can and do shift over time, and on a few key issues, the values gap is shrinking. For instance, Americans are not as convinced as they used to be about their own cultural superiority – in 2002, six-in-ten agreed with the statement “our people are not perfect, but our culture is superior.” By 2011, just 49% held this view, much closer to the levels typically registered in Europe.

Public opinion on homosexuality has also shifted dramatically. The percentage of Americans saying society should accept homosexuality rose from 49% in 2007 to 60% just four years later. This is still much lower than the high levels of acceptance witnessed in Europe – more than eight-in-ten in Spain, Germany, France, and Britain believe homosexuality should be accepted – but the gap is clearly closing. The recent passage of marriage equality ballot initiatives in four U.S. states highlights how quickly public opinion on this issue is changing.

Moreover, young Americans increasingly look like their cohorts across the Atlantic on these questions. Nearly seven-in-ten Americans under age 30 say homosexuality should be accepted and only 37% think their culture is superior to others. Young people are also much more likely than older Americans to believe the government should make sure no one is in need. If these trends continue and expand to other topics, the transatlantic values gap could someday vanish. But for the foreseeable future, the divide will likely persist, regardless of who occupies the White House.

Similarly, President Obama gets poor marks from Pakistanis – only 7% have confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs. And key aspects of American foreign policy are widely unpopular. Most believe the U.S. acts unilaterally on the world stage, and there is widespread opposition to American anti-terrorism efforts.

A 74%-majority of Pakistanis see the U.S. as an enemy, and most think U.S.-Pakistani relations have failed to improve over the last few years. Moreover, for a growing number of Pakistanis, enhancing the relationship between the two countries is not an important priority.

Pakistanis express mixed views about American involvement in the fight against extremist groups. On balance, there is support for American financial and humanitarian aid to areas where these groups operate, as well as for U.S. intelligence and logistical assistance to the Pakistani military. Support for both, however, has declined in recent years. And few back American drone strikes.

Over the last decade, the U.S. has provided billions of dollars in aid to Pakistan in an effort to increase bilateral cooperation and improve its image. But these policies are not seen in a positive light by Pakistanis – many say that both American military and economic assistance are having a negative effect on the country.

Low Ratings for U.S., Obama

Fully 80% of Pakistanis have a negative opinion of the U.S., up seven percentage points from last year. This view has become more common over the course of the Obama era. In 2008, during President George W. Bush’s last year in office, 63% expressed a negative view of the U.S.

Throughout Obama’s presidency, few Pakistanis have held a positive view of the American leader. Today, six-in-ten say they have little or no confidence in him, down slightly from last year, but up from the 51% registered in 2009. Obama’s ratings are very similar to those received by President Bush in 2008, when 61% expressed a lack of confidence in the former president.

U.S. Foreign Policy Distrusted

Pakistanis continue to believe the U.S. acts unilaterally in world affairs. Almost two-thirds (65%) do not think the U.S. considers the interests of countries like Pakistan when it is making foreign policy decisions.

Although this has been the prevailing view among Pakistanis for a decade, the percentage who say the U.S. does not consider their interests is up nine points since last year, and is now higher than at any point since Pew began asking this question in 2002.

American anti-terrorism efforts have also been consistently unpopular in Pakistan over the last decade. In the current poll, 61% say they oppose U.S.-led efforts to combat terrorism, essentially unchanged from 62% last year.

Most Say U.S. an Enemy

Nearly three-in four Pakistanis (74%) consider the U.S. an enemy to their country, while just 8% say it is a partner. One-in-ten believe the U.S. is neither a partner nor an enemy, and 8% offer no opinion.

The percentage describing the U.S. as an enemy has grown steadily since 2010 and is currently at its highest point since 2008.

Those who live in the Punjab province are especially likely to think of the U.S. as an enemy (85%).

Pakistani views about their relationship with China are quite different. Nine-in-ten Pakistanis consider China a partner, while just 2% say it is more of an enemy.

Relations Not Improving

A shrinking minority of Pakistanis believe relations between their country and the U.S. are improving. Only 13% say the bilateral relationship has improved in recent years, while 58% disagree.

Assessments of U.S.-Pakistani relations have grown more negative over the last year, and have become considerably more negative since 2010, when the Pakistani public was almost evenly divided on this question. At that point, 36% said relations had improved and 39% said they had not.

Those who identify with the Tehreek-e-Insaf party – led by government critic Imran Khan – are particularly likely to say relations have not improved: 78% hold this view.

Overall, the goal of improving U.S-Pakistani relations is becoming less important to Pakistanis. Less than half (45%) say enhancing the relationship is important, down from 60% last year and 64% in 2010.

Limited Support for U.S. Help in Fighting Extremists

There is some support for cooperation between the U.S. and Pakistan in the fight against extremists. Half want the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremist groups operate, while just one-in-five oppose this idea. Still, support has dropped significantly since 2009, when 72% favored these efforts.

Meanwhile, 37% support the U.S. providing intelligence and logistical assistance to Pakistani troops fighting these groups, while 25% are opposed. Again, support has declined since 2009, when 63% were in favor.

American drone attacks have been consistently unpopular, even if the attacks are coordinated with Pakistani authorities. Only 17% favor the U.S. conducting drone strikes in conjunction with the Pakistani government against leaders of extremist organizations, little changed from 23% in 2010, the first year the question was asked.

Supporters of the Tehreek-e-Insaf party are especially likely to express opposition to American aid and U.S. intelligence and logistical support.

Opposition to Drone Strikes

Just over half of Pakistanis (55%) say they have heard a lot or a little about drone attacks that target leaders of extremist groups. Awareness is considerably higher in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (87%), which borders the semi-autonomous Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in northwest Pakistan where most drone attacks have taken place.

Among those who have heard a lot or a little, nearly all (97%) consider them a bad thing. Roughly seven-in-ten (69%) believe the U.S. government is conducting these strikes, while another 18% volunteer that they believe both the U.S. and Pakistan are responsible.

Those who are familiar with the drone campaign also overwhelmingly believe the attacks kill too many innocent people (94%). Nearly three-quarters (74%) say they are not necessary to defend Pakistan from extremist organizations.

Meanwhile, those who have heard about the strikes are somewhat divided over whether they are being done with or without approval from the Pakistani government.

U.S. Assistance Having Negative Impact

On balance, American aid efforts are seen in a negative light by Pakistanis. Around four-in-ten (38%) say U.S. economic aid is having a mostly negative impact on Pakistan, while just 12% believe it is mostly positive. Similarly, 40% think American military aid is having a mostly negative effect, while only 8% say it is largely positive.

Both forms of assistance are held in especially low regard by supporters of the Tehreek-e-Insaf party – 59% see U.S. economic aid negatively, and 61% believe American military assistance is having a detrimental impact on Pakistan.

There is no consensus in Pakistan about whether American assistance is largely military or largely designed to help Pakistan develop economically: 18% say it is mostly military; 17% believe it is mostly economic; 22% think it is both equally; and 43% do not know.

As Barack Obama travels through Europe on his first overseas trip as president, keep your expectations modest that this is the beginning of a major revival of America’s global image. No question that Barack Obama has a great personal following around the world, especially in comparison with President Bush. But to restore the global image of the nation he now leads, the new president must overcome a number of fundamental criticisms. And issues arising from the global economic crisis and other world problems on Obama’s agenda seem likely to resonate with key criticisms about America’s leadership in the Bush years.

Judging from Pew Research’s interviews with 177,000 people in 55 nations between 2002 and 2008, topping the list of carryover complaints is the charge that America too often acts unilaterally: that it doesn’t take into account the interests of other nations in formulating policy. Closely linked to this critique is the view that the United States relies too much on military force to deal with international conflicts.

Another consistent and prevalent criticism has been that the U.S. does too little to address world problems, and what it does do has widened the global gulf between rich and poor. On matters ranging from promotion of democracy to globalization to international security, the rest of the world became openly skeptical of America’s word and intentions over most of this decade.

Although a good deal of this global hardening of attitudes was aimed directly at President Bush and his policies, the animus amounted to something larger than a thumbs down on the-then-occupant of the White House. Simply put, much of the world came to fear and resent the unrivaled power of that worrisome colossus, the United States.

While President Obama has been extremely popular personally, his international agenda may not be, given the global mindset about the U.S. Take for example his desire to gain more European support for the war in Afghanistan. In 2008 most Europeans surveyed by Pew Research, save the British, favored withdrawing NATO troops from that country. An American president urging reluctant Europeans to use force is hardly likely to allay concerns about U.S. militarism.

Then there is Obama’s economic stimulus plan encouraging consumer spending and entailing greatly increased budget deficits. This apparently strikes at least some European leaders as reckless. The new president’s efforts to sell this policy approach may well feed into the prevailing notion of the U.S. going its own way in dealing with mega international problems.

Even more importantly, blaming the U.S. for the global recession may well resonate with the broader complaint about America’s power and influence. Pew Research surveys in 2008 found publics all around the world believing that the American economy exerted considerable influence on their nations’ own economies. And the verdict, even before the severe economic meltdown, in most countries was that the U.S. economy was responsible for slumping economic conditions. And that was before the real slump!

When asked about improving the image of America at his press conference last week, the president said that he had not looked at recent polling. In fact, not much polling has been done, as more time is needed for people around the world to have a sense of Obama the president, as opposed to Obama the candidate.

But from this perspective, while it seems likely that other nations will, in general, react favorably to Obama’s style and more conciliatory approach compared with President Bush, that will only go so far and so long in changing minds about what America stands for and its global leadership. In the end, actions — and their consequences — will resonate more widely and strongly than words.

The morning after George W. Bush’s 2004 re-election, Britain’s Daily Mirror famously asked: “How can 59,054,087 people be so DUMB?” The morning after Barack Obama’s election, a far more upbeat Daily Mirror gushed “GOBAMA!” on its front page.

Other British papers from across the political spectrum shared the triumphant mood after Barack Obama’s decisive win. “Today is for celebration, for happiness and for reflected human glory,” proclaimed the left-of-center Guardian. Rupert Murdoch’s The Sun echoed the moon landing with a “One Giant Leap For Mankind” headline beneath a photo of a determined Barack Obama jogging toward the camera.

The enthusiasm was hardly limited to Britain — across much of the world, newspapers welcomed Obama’s victory. To many, the election showcased what they like about the United States — the vitality of its democracy and the notion of America as a land of opportunity. And just as importantly, President-elect Obama represents a significant change from an administration widely disliked around the globe.

Still, buried in the positive international press coverage of the election were some caveats, concerns, and notes of discord. “He’s Just A President. Not the Messiah,” read an opinion piece headline in Italy’s Il Giornale¹. While Obama now enjoys considerable goodwill in many nations, journalists, policymakers, and others are starting to focus on pressing concerns — the world economic crisis, the Middle East conflict, ongoing and unpopular wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to name just a few — and their nations will look to President Obama with high expectations.

Two Americas Abroad

Surely, some of the international excitement surrounding Obama’s victory reflects a sense of relief that the Bush era is ending. Surveys have consistently found that President Bush receives negative ratings in most countries. In a 24-nation Spring 2008 poll by the Pew Research Center’s Pew Global Attitude Project, majorities in only three nations — Tanzania, India, and Nigeria — said they had confidence in Bush to do the right thing in world affairs. More than eight in ten in Britain, France, Germany, and Spain said they lacked confidence in the U.S. president.

And just as in the United States, John McCain’s Republican label and association with Bush hurt his image abroad. Noting his “track record of legislative and military service,” the Arab News nonetheless dismissed McCain as someone who “still belonged to a party that gave birth to someone like Bush.”

In the Pew Global Attitudes Project poll, Obama consistently received more positive reviews than either Bush or McCain. In nearly all of the countries surveyed, there was more confidence in Obama than in McCain, and in many countries the gap between the Democratic and Republican nominees was striking. While 84% of the French who were following the race voiced confidence in Obama, only one-in-three said the same about McCain. Similar gaps were found throughout Europe and in a diverse group of countries.

To some international commentators, Obama and Bush represented two very different ideas of America. “There are two contrasting images of America abroad,” wrote The Times of India. “One is that of a bullying superpower that undertakes bellicose military adventures abroad, epitomized by Iraq. The other is that of a land of hope and opportunity, an open society that welcomes migrants and where merit and talent matter for much more than ethnic background or kinship ties.”

“The Bush Administration,” the editorial continues, “seemed to stand for the former America,” while Obama represented the “more benign image” of the “classic melting-pot story.”

France’s Le Monde characterized Obama as a new type of American leader well-suited to a shifting geopolitical environment. “Through his personality, Barack Hussein Obama will be in harmony with a world where the economic and political center is no longer the West.”² Under the headline “Messiah Obama,” the German tabloid Bild wrote: “Everyone has now fallen freshly in love with the new America, the other America, the good America, Obamerica, even.”³

Our surveys have found publics across the globe simultaneously expressing fears about the way the U.S. acts on the world stage and admiration for the achievements of American society. Internationally, there is a widespread perception that the U.S. acts unilaterally in world affairs, and many key features of the Bush Administration’s foreign policies are unpopular, including the U.S.-led war on terrorism and the military efforts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Still, around the world, many admire American scientific and technological achievements, embrace American popular culture, and respect American ways of doing business. And the U.S. receives relatively high marks in our 2008 poll for the way it treats its own people.

Much of the foreign press coverage suggests that journalists believe their countries could learn important lessons from the American election. Many writers questioned whether a minority candidate could have similar success in their countries. For instance, The Australian asked: “Which other big, rich, predominantly white society has elected a member of a racial minority to be its head of government? Not Australia.”

“We also need to change our preconceptions about American prejudice,” wrote France’s Liberation. “For the first time, an African-American and a woman were candidates for the highest office in the land. It seems like America could teach us a thing or two about democracy.”⁴

Other observers point not only to Obama’s win, but to McCain’s gracious concession speech and the peaceful transfer of power. South Africa’s Business Day sees “lessons for SA (South Africa) in Obama’s victory, not least in the grace with which Republican candidate John McCain conceded defeat and wished Obama well. Would SA’s ruling party hand over power with as little fuss with only a few percentage points separating the contenders after such a grueling campaign?”

Notes of Caution

While people in many lands celebrated the results of the election and the media provided much laudatory coverage, some also offered words of caution.

In a piece entitled “He’s Just a President. Not the Messiah,” Michele Brambilla wrote in the Italian newspaper, Il Giornale, that people should be careful not to expect too much from politicians, even ones who have broken through great barriers and show great promise.

Brambilla too was caught up in the emotion of Obama’s historic victory, but the realities of governing require decisions that will anger many — at home and abroad. “What will the enthusiasts say after Obama pragmatically makes his first prosaic decision?” Brambilla asks in a translated version of the article. “Let us remember, politics means first of all, pragmatism.”⁵

In Germany, Der Spiegel writes on its English-language website that Germans and their elected leaders were rooting for Obama. “Now Germany has the U.S. president it wanted,” the writers say. “Germany will soon notice, however, that Obama has his own agenda. As the President of the United States of America, he primarily represents the interests of his country, which will not always match Germany’s priorities.”

One example could be Obama’s strategy for Afghanistan. The left-leaning German daily, Die Tageszeitung says, “For months, it’s been publicly debated how we would react, if a President Obama, God protect him, should request a stronger German troop commitment in Afghanistan. The result: no one knows, and we hope he doesn’t ask.”

Indeed, our 2008 survey highlighted the extent to which the German public is out of step with Obama’s call for more troops on the ground in Afghanistan — 54% of Germans said they wanted to remove U.S. and NATO forces as soon as possible, while 43% said troops should stay until the situation stabilized.

The worldwide economic crisis could prove another source of tension as Obama attempts to address the problems at home. The 2008 global survey found that across the world’s regions, most people see a connection between the American economy and their country’s economic situation. And in many cases — including in Britain, Germany, France, Japan and Australia — the impact is seen as negative.

In an editorial, the Japan Times praises Obama and his campaign — the newspaper called Obama’s win a reminder that all things are possible in the U.S. — but then it offers words of caution. “[T]he greatest challenge Mr. Obama now faces is reconciling the expectations of his supporters with the constraints he will inherit.”

Der Spiegel also argues that more forceful leadership will be needed from European governments to complement Obama’s approach to foreign affairs. With Bush “there were eight years of stubborn gridlock and nasty surprises. He did what he thought was right, often without consideration for the Germans or the French. It is said that Obama is a man who knows how to listen. But that is only an advantage when the others have something to say.”

Obama Seen Through Local Prism

Across the globe, the media also examined the impact of Obama’s victory on regional concerns, such as the long-standing conflicts in the Middle East. Not surprisingly, the various sides bring different perspectives and suggest conflicting strategies to the president-elect.

In an editorial entitled “Obama’s Agenda”, the Jerusalem Post says the key to any peace initiative involving Israel and its neighbors will be steps to contain Iran. The newspaper says that the inclination could be to fast-track Israel-Syria peace negotiations. “But we think Obama can be smarter than his predecessors by homing in on this harsh Middle East peacemaking reality. As long as the Islamic Republica of Iran remains on the ascendant, there will be no peace between Israel and the Palestinians, no way to bolster Palestinian moderates by chipping away at rejectionists, no treaty with Syria and no prospect of saving Lebanon,” the paper’s editorial page says.

But the Khaleej Times in Dubai says Obama must tackle the Palestinian issue if he hopes to make progress in the Middle East. In an editorial entitled, “Things to do for President Obama,” the newspaper says that during the campaign “Obama went to great lengths to express his support for Israel, often angering Palestinians and Arabs. We believe those were the electoral compulsions of candidate Obama. Now that he has received a resounding mandate, we should hope he would be more reasonable and just in his dealings with the Palestinians and Israelis.”

Meanwhile, the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, quotes a Hamas leader, Mahmoud Zahar, saying he expects no quick changes in U.S. policy. Citing “what he believes to be undue Israeli influence on U.S. policy, he said he doesn’t expect Obama to talk to Hamas, at least at the start of his presidency.”

Meanwhile, economic and political powers also are taking the measure of the incoming president. On its website, the China Daily asks whether Obama’s election would bring major change in the relationship between the two superpowers. The article cites Obama’s criticism of China’s currency practices and his pledge to step up the fight against unfair trade practices.

But analysts — both Chinese and American — tell the paper that the new administration will need to work with China to help get the economy on a better track:.”Analysts say Obama owes a large part of his victory to the perception that he has a better grip on the economic crisis, but he has yet to prove this in reality. And how the U.S. cooperates with other nations, especially less-affected economies such as China, will prove important to him to turn these perceptions into reality.”

The United States is named more often than any other country as the world’s dominant economic power, although in regions across the globe a substantial proportion of people believe a rising China has already assumed this role. As the survey reveals, being in the top economic spot entails some negative consequences – many blame the U.S. economy for economic problems in their own country.

But there are signs that in many countries people are optimistic about America’s future role on the world stage: In most countries, a majority or plurality of those surveyed think the next U.S. president will change the country’s foreign policy for the better. International views of the two leading presidential contenders are not equal however. In nearly every country surveyed, Barack Obama is viewed more favorably than John McCain.

Modest Gains in U.S. Favorability

Majorities say they have a very or somewhat favorable opinion of the United States in only eight of the survey’s 23 countries. There have been some improvements, however, since last year – U.S. favorability is up significantly in ten of the 21 countries for which trends are available, while it has declined notably in just three.

There has been little change, however, in America’s image among Western Europeans. A slim majority of the British continues to hold a positive view of the U.S., while only 42% in France give the U.S. favorable marks. Views are even more negative in Spain (33% favorable) and Germany (31%).

By contrast, assessments of the U.S. have grown somewhat more positive over the last year in both of the Eastern European countries included in the survey. Polish public opinion is more favorable to the U.S. now (68%) than at any time since the 2002 Pew poll, when roughly eight-in-ten Poles (79%) had a positive view. And a slight improvement is also seen in Russia, where U.S. favorability now stands at 46%, up from 41% last year.

Although it is no longer in single digits, U.S. favorability in Turkey remains low – only 12% of Turks have a positive opinion, the lowest rating for the U.S. on the survey. Attitudes toward the U.S. also remain grim in Egypt (22% favorable) and Jordan (19%). About half of those surveyed in Lebanon (51%) hold a favorable view, although there are significant differences among the country’s three major religious groups (see below).

Opinions are mixed in the Asian/Pacific region. America’s image has improved significantly in both South Korea (58% favorable in 2007, 70% in 2008) and India (59% in 2007, 66% in 2008). The opposite is true, however, in Japan, where ratings have turned more negative over the last year (61% favorable in 2007, 50% in 2008). Fewer than half of Australians (46%) now have a positive opinion, down from 59% the last time Pew surveyed Australia in 2003. The U.S. receives less-positive reviews in China, Indonesia, and Pakistan, although views of America have improved in all three countries since last year. And in China, after falling by 13 percentage points between 2006 and 2007, U.S. favorability has bounced back by seven points over the last year (from 34% to 41%). Also, the percentage of Indonesians with a favorable view of the U.S. has risen by eight points (from 29% to 37%), while Pakistan recorded a more modest four-point gain.

In all three Latin American nations included in the study, fewer than half of those surveyed give the U.S. a positive rating. Views have grown more negative in Mexico over the last year (56% favorable in 2007, 47% in 2008). On the other hand, there has been a slight upturn in America’s image in Argentina, though even with this improvement, only 22% see the U.S. in a favorable light.

In recent years, Pew Global Attitudes surveys have found that the U.S. is relatively popular in much of sub-Saharan Africa, and this year’s results again suggest this is true. At least six-in-ten Tanzanians, Nigerians, and South Africans express a positive opinion. At 65%, U.S. favorability is up 19 percentage points in Tanzania since last year, the largest gain among the 21 countries for which trend data are available. In Nigeria, opinions have become slightly less positive, with U.S. favorability dropping from 70% to 64%.

Differing Views in the Muslim World

Overall, the U.S. evokes negative reactions among the Muslim publics included in the study. Tanzania’s Muslim population is the only one in which a majority rates the U.S. favorably – 56% hold a positive view, up from 41% in 2007. The trend has moved in the opposite direction, however, in Nigeria, where roughly half of Muslims had a positive view of the U.S. in 2007, compared with 39% this year. Nigeria’s Christians are much more favorably disposed toward the U.S. (89% favorable).

In the Middle East and Asia, Muslim views tend to be negative, although Lebanese Sunnis are a clear exception – 62% see the U.S. favorably, up from 52% in 2007. Sunnis in Lebanon are almost as positive as the country’s Christian population (76% favorable). The story among Lebanese Shia, however, is quite different – 98% have a negative view. Indeed, not one Shia respondent in the Lebanese sample expresses a favorable opinion of the United States.

American People More Popular Than U.S.

The American people continue to be viewed more positively than their country. Majorities in 14 of 23 countries have a favorable opinion of Americans, including at least 70% of those surveyed in South Korea, Lebanon, Poland and Britain.

In many countries, there are significant gaps between the favorability rating for Americans and the rating for the United States, with the American people receiving much more positive reviews. This is especially true in Western Europe. For example, while only 31% of Germans have a positive view of the U.S., 55% have a favorable opinion of Americans. Similarly, just 42% in France take a positive view of the U.S., but nearly two-thirds (64%) see the American people in a favorable light.

But this gap is present outside of Europe as well. Australians have a much more positive view of the American people (66%) than of the country (46%). And in Lebanon there is a 23-point gap between ratings of Americans (74%) and the U.S. (51%). The difference is particularly striking among Lebanese Shia – while no Shia respondents express a favorable opinion of the U.S., 43% say they have a positive view of Americans.

The gap is not present everywhere, however. In the Latin American and African countries in the survey, ratings for Americans and the U.S. tend to track each other very closely. The same is true in India, China and Turkey.

Generally, the trend on views of the American people resembles the trend on attitudes toward the U.S. Over the last year, there have been notable improvements in the image of Americans in Tanzania (+17 percentage points), Poland (+7), and South Korea (+7), and significant declines in Japan (-10) and Mexico (-8). And even though Germans continue to have a much more positive view of the American people than of the U.S., their view of Americans has soured somewhat since 2007 (-8).

America’s Economic Power

Despite the recent slowdown in the U.S. economy, the United States is most commonly identified as the world’s leading economic power in 22 of the 24 countries surveyed. This is a common perception both in countries where the U.S. is relatively popular, such as South Korea, India, and Tanzania, and in places where the U.S. is generally unpopular, including Turkey, Pakistan, and Argentina.

However, in only 12 countries does a majority take this view. Even among Americans, only 46% say their country is the world’s dominant economic power; roughly one-in-four (26%) name China and substantial minorities name either Japan (10%) or the European Union (10%).

Similarly, fewer than half in Britain (44%), France (44%), and Spain (42%) see the U.S. as the world’s leading economy. In Germany, the U.S. actually comes in third place – more Germans rate the EU (31%) or China (30%) as the top economic power.

Russians are among the least likely to name the United States (32%), while they are more likely than any other public to name Japan (25%). Only 6% of Japanese think their country is the world’s leading economic power.

By a slim margin, Australians name China as the world’s leading economy (40%, compared with 37% for the U.S.). For the most part, the Chinese themselves do not place their country in the top spot – 48% name the U.S., 21% say China, and 9% say it is the EU.

American economic power is widely acknowledged in the Latin American and African nations included in the survey. Majorities in Mexico, Argentina, Brazil, Tanzania and Nigeria, as well as 49% of South Africans, identify the U.S. as the world’s economic leader.

A Partner to Some, an Enemy to Others

The way in which people characterize their country’s relationship with the United States varies considerably across regions and even within regions. Despite tensions in recent years between the U.S. and its Western European allies, majorities in three of the four countries from the region think of the U.S. as a partner of their country. The exception is Spain, where only 31% believe the U.S. is a partner, 20% consider it an enemy, and 45% say it is neither.

About half (48%) of Poles think of the U.S. as a partner, very few see it as an enemy (7%), and 39% say it is neither. Russians however, are divided on this question – 29% say partner, 34% enemy and 32% neither.

Majorities in all three African countries included in the survey (Nigeria, Tanzania, South Africa) consider the U.S. a partner, as do most of those surveyed in Australia, Japan, and South Korea. Elsewhere in Asia, four-in-ten Indians regard the U.S. as a partner, compared with just 13% of Chinese. About one-third of Chinese (34%) say the U.S. is an enemy.

Relatively few respondents in the three Arab nations included in the study see the U.S. as a partner. At the same time, less than 40% in all three countries consider the U.S. an enemy. Indeed, Argentines are more likely to see the U.S. as an enemy than are the three Arab publics. However, the most negative views of the U.S. on this question are found in Turkey (70% enemy) and Pakistan (60%).

U.S. Influence Strong, But Often Harmful

Throughout the nations included in this survey, people believe the U.S. has an impact on the way things are going in their own countries. In all 23 countries outside the U.S., at least half of those surveyed say the U.S. is having either a great deal or a fair amount of influence. And more than 80% take this view in a diverse set of countries: South Korea, Japan, Lebanon, Jordan, Britain, Germany, Egypt, Australia, France and Mexico.

The Chinese are the least likely to believe the U.S. has an impact on their country – just 50% say it has a great deal or fair amount of influence. Russians (59%), Pakistanis (59%) and Tanzanians (55%) also are less likely than others to see American influence.

For the most part, America’s influence is seen as a negative force. Turkey, Jordan, Argentina and Britain have the most negative views of American influence. In all four nations, more than half of those surveyed believe U.S influence has a detrimental effect. But large numbers regard America’s influence as harmful elsewhere as well, including at least 40% of those surveyed in Pakistan, Mexico, Lebanon, Egypt, Germany, Australia, and Japan.

America’s influence is more welcome in Nigeria and South Africa, where more than four-in-ten see American influence as a good thing. Similarly, Tanzanians and Indians take a relatively favorable attitude toward U.S. influence in their country.

Most See U.S. Hurting Their Economy

Across regions, most people see a connection between the American economy and their country’s economic situation. In 21 of 23 nations, majorities say what happens in the U.S. economy has a great deal or fair amount of influence on economic conditions in their country. Interestingly, one exception is China. Despite increasing economic ties in recent years between the U.S. and this growing Asian power, only 46% of Chinese think the American economy has a serious impact on their country.

In nine countries, more than 80% think the U.S. economy has a great deal or fair amount of influence. This is an especially common view in Japan (95%), South Korea (94%), Australia (91%), Britain (90%) and Germany (90%).

While America’s economic reach is pervasive, it also is regarded as pernicious. In Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Turkey, Japan and Australia, majorities of those surveyed say that the U.S. economy is currently having a negative effect on their economies. In no country does a majority say the U.S. economy is having a positive effect, although Nigerians, Indians and South Africans are more likely to characterize it as a positive effect than as a negative one. The Chinese are divided on this issue – 19% of those surveyed believe it has a positive effect, while another 18% say it is negative.

Americans generally recognize their country’s economic influence and they also largely agree with much of the world on the nature of this influence: Overwhelmingly, they say the U.S. economy is currently having a negative impact on other countries. Nearly nine-in-ten Americans (88%) think that what happens in the U.S. economy affects economic conditions in the rest of the world a great deal or a fair amount (55% great deal, 33% fair amount). About six-in-ten Americans (61%) believe that right now the U.S. economy is having a negative impact, while just 20% believe it is positive.

Few Predict Success in Iraq

Previous Pew surveys have shown that much of the decline in America’s image around the world over the last several years has been driven by opposition to U.S. foreign policy, especially the war in Iraq. The current poll indicates that optimism about the future of Iraq is scant. Moreover, many publics are less optimistic now than they were two years ago.

Majorities in only three countries – Nigeria (61%), India (56%) and Tanzania (54%) – think efforts to establish a stable democratic Iraqi government will succeed. In seven of the 15 nations for which trends from 2006 are available, significantly fewer people now believe these efforts will succeed. The number of people who think they will succeed has increased in four countries, and there is basically no change in four.

Americans have become much more pessimistic about the situation in Iraq over the last two years. Whereas in 2006 a 54% majority thought efforts there would ultimately succeed, now only 40% hold this view. There continue to be sharp partisan differences over Iraq. About six-in-ten (61%) Republicans expect there will be a successful outcome, compared with only 38% of independents and 30% of Democrats.

Optimism about Iraq has waned in Great Britain (-12 percentage points), France (-10), and Germany (-7), although in neighboring Spain, people are slightly more likely to think a stable democratic government will be established than they were two years ago. Still, just 25% of the Spanish public thinks these efforts will be successful.

It is noteworthy, however, that in both Arab countries where trends are available – Egypt and Jordan – people have become slightly more optimistic. Trend data are not available for Lebanon, but 45% currently think the attempt to create a stable democratic Iraqi government will succeed, making the Lebanese among the most optimistic publics surveyed on this question. There are differences among the countries’ religious groups, however – 64% of Christians think these efforts will succeed, while only 33% of Sunnis and 30% of Shia agree.

Most Want Withdrawal from Afghanistan

In 21 of 24 countries, a majority or plurality of those surveyed say the U.S. and NATO should remove their troops from Afghanistan as soon as possible. Public opinion leans toward keeping troops in Afghanistan until the situation there has stabilized in just three countries – the U.S., Britain, and Australia – all of which have military forces in the country.

Among Americans, the margin between those who want to keep troops in Afghanistan (50%) and those who favor withdrawal (44%) is slim, and is basically unchanged from 2007, when 50% wanted to keep troops there and 42% favored removing them. There is a significant partisan gap on this issue: Republicans overwhelmingly want to keep a military presence in Afghanistan (75% keep troops there, 21% remove troops), Democrats generally favor withdrawal (35% keep, 59% remove), and independents are evenly divided on this issue (47% keep, 47% remove).

The British public also slightly favors keeping U.S. and NATO forces in Afghanistan. This is not true, however, in any other NATO country included in survey, aside from the U.S. Narrow majorities in Spain, France, and Germany back withdrawal, as do large majorities in Turkey and Poland.

Australians are more likely than any other public to favor keeping forces in Afghanistan. Australia is not a member of NATO, but it has contributed to the military effort in Afghanistan and continues to maintain a military presence there.

Large majorities in all three Arab nations surveyed want U.S. and NATO troops removed. And in Afghanistan’s neighbor, Pakistan, 72% favor withdrawal.

The American Presidential Race

In several countries, there is considerable interest in the 2008 U.S. presidential race. In fact, the Japanese (83%) are slightly more likely than Americans (80%) to say they are following news about the race very or somewhat closely. While no other publics are nearly as attentive to the race as the Japanese or Americans, at least half of those surveyed in Germany (56%), Australia (52%), Jordan (50%) and Britain (50%) are following the election closely.

In much of the world, however, few are paying attention to the presidential contest at this point. In 12 of the countries included in the survey, one-third or less of the public is following the race closely. Only 17% of Chinese are monitoring the race. And despite the fact that one of the major presidential contenders, Barack Obama, spent several years of his childhood in Indonesia, only 15% of Indonesians are closely following the election. But no public is less interested than the Argentines – only 10% are paying close attention to the race.

The Next Administration’s Foreign Policy

Many of those who are following the U.S. presidential contest closely are optimistic about the next administration’s foreign policy. When asked whether next year, when there is a new U.S. president, American foreign policy will change for the better, change for the worse, or not change much at all, majorities or pluralities in 14 countries – including the United States itself – say it will change for the better.

This includes more than six-in-ten in the Western European nations of France (68% change for the better), Spain (67%) and Germany (64%), where opposition to U.S. foreign policy has been strong throughout much of the Bush presidency. But it also includes solid majorities in several countries where opposition to Bush’s foreign policy has been less pervasive, such as India (59%) and the African nations of Nigeria (67%), South Africa (66%), and Tanzania (65%).

In five nations, however, the most common view is that the election of a new president will not bring much change to American foreign policy. This is especially true in Japan (67% not change that much), Turkey (43%), Russia (42%), South Korea (41%) and Mexico (40%).

In several countries, significant minorities worry that U.S. foreign policy will get worse with the election of a new president. A 37%-plurality takes this view in Egypt, and it also is a common concern in the other two Arab nations included in the study, Jordan (36%) and Lebanon (33%). On the other hand, only a very few Western Europeans think the next president will change American foreign policy for the worse – just 1% in France, Spain, and Germany, and 3% in Britain.

Rating the Presidential Contenders

At this point in the U.S. presidential race, public opinion in the countries surveyed is more favorable toward Democratic contender Illinois Sen. Barack Obama, than toward Arizona Sen. John McCain, the likely Republican nominee. Among those individuals who are following the race at least somewhat closely, in 20 of 23 countries surveyed, the percentage of people having confidence in Obama to do the right thing in world affairs is higher than the percentage expressing confidence in McCain. In three countries – including the U.S., as well as Jordan and Pakistan – the two candidates are essentially tied on this measure.

In 12 of these countries, majorities of those following the election say they have confidence in Obama, while majorities have little or no confidence in just five nations. On the other hand, majorities lack confidence in McCain in 10 countries, while a majority expresses confidence in the Arizona senator in only one country: the United States.

The gap between perceptions of Obama and McCain is particularly large in Western Europe. For example, in Spain confidence in Obama (72%) is more than three times higher than is confidence in McCain (19%). In both France and Germany, more than 80% voice confidence in Obama, while just one-in-three say the same about McCain.

Obama also is more warmly received in the Asian/Pacific region. Roughly eight-in-ten Australians (81%) and Japanese (77%) are confident in him, while just 40% in each country have confidence in McCain. And Obama also is much more popular among those who are following the race in his former boyhood home, Indonesia. Finally, Obama is more popular than McCain in a country from another part of the world where he has family ties: East Africa (his father was from Kenya). While 84% of Tanzanians believe he will do the right thing in international affairs, just half say this about his Republican rival.

The survey also measured international perceptions of Democratic candidate Sen. Hillary Clinton of New York. Ratings for Sen. Clinton generally tend to be higher than those for McCain, but lower than those for Obama, although there are some notable exceptions. Clinton is rated higher than Obama in India (58% to 33%), South Africa (57% to 36%), and Mexico (36% to 30%). She receives lower ratings than either of her two Senate colleagues in Lebanon (34% for Obama, 25% for McCain, 16% for Clinton).

Negative Views of Bush Persist

As his second term as president nears its close, George W. Bush continues to receive mostly negative ratings. Majorities in only three countries – Tanzania, Nigeria, and India – say they have a lot or some confidence in Bush to do the right thing in world affairs.

Opinions of Bush are especially negative in Western Europe – more than eight-in-ten in Britain, Germany, France, and Spain lack confidence in the American president. He also is unpopular in the Middle East. Fully 89% of Jordanians and 86% of Egyptians have little or no confidence in him. He gets somewhat more positive marks in Lebanon, although this is largely due to his popularity among that country’s Christians, 60% of who express confidence in Bush. Just 23% of Lebanese Sunni Muslims are confident in Bush, while not a single Shia Muslim in the Lebanese sample voices confidence in the American leader.

Assessments of Bush have mostly held steady over the last year, although his ratings have become more positive in a few countries. Most notably, opinions of Bush have improved in Poland (+12 percentage points), as well as in Tanzania (+20), which the president visited on his trip to Africa in February.

Only 37% of Americans say they have confidence in President Bush, down from 45% in 2007, and down steeply from the first time the Global Attitudes Project asked this question in May 2003, when, just months after the invasion of Iraq, confidence in Bush stood at 78%. Unsurprisingly, there are large partisan differences in the U.S. More than three-in-four Republicans (76%) have a lot or some confidence in Bush, compared with just 30% of independents and even fewer Democrats (15%).

Domestic opinion of these leaders is consistent with foreign opinion in France and Germany but different in Russia. While Germans largely hold positive views of Merkel and the French are conflicted over Sarkozy, Russian confidence in Putin is unequivocal. Russian views on how much power Putin will wield are less definitive.

Apart from their opinion of the Russian leader, however, one concern is widely shared among Europeans – worry about dependence on Russian energy resources.

Views of Putin Remain Negative

In Europe and elsewhere, confidence in Putin to do the right thing in world affairs is low. Solid majorities in France (82%), Spain (80%), Poland (78%), Germany (60%), and Great Britain (56%) hold negative opinions of Putin. Views of Putin are equally negative in all countries surveyed in the Middle East. Large majorities in Egypt (74%), Jordan (72%), Turkey (70%), and Lebanon (59%) lack confidence in the Russian leader.

In half of the countries surveyed, views of Putin have remained basically steady between 2007 and 2008. Opinions of Putin have, however, become more negative in a number of countries including Mexico, China, India, and Britain. For China, 2008 marks the first time that Putin’s popularity has declined since being measured by Pew; in 2007 a solid majority (58%) of Chinese held positive views of Putin, while less than half (46%) do now.

Despite worldwide skepticism of Putin, he continues to remain popular at home. Just as in 2007, more than eight-in-ten (83%) Russians have faith in Putin’s handling of foreign affairs. Roughly half of Russians (48%) expect Putin to have more power than Dmitri Medvedev – the newly elected president of Russia. Still, a roughly equal percentage say either that Medvedev (22%) will have more power or volunteer that both Putin and Medvedev (24%) will share the political reigns equally.

Regardless of who ultimately wields more power, Russians are still inclined to favor “a leader with a strong hand” over a democracy to solve their country’s problems (57% vs. 33%). Russians are slightly less inclined to have faith in a strong leader and slightly more inclined to trust in a democracy in 2008 than in 2007 (In 2007, 63% favored a strong leader compared with 27% who saw democracy as a better problem solver). But support for democracy was much stronger among Russians seventeen years ago in the 1991 Pulse of Europe survey (conducted by the Times Mirror Center – the predecessor of the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press), when 51% preferred democracy and 39% favored a strong leader.

Europeans Largely Confident in Merkel

Majorities of people in West European countries and pluralities in Poland and Russia have confidence in German Chancellor Angela Merkel to do the right thing in matters of foreign policy.

Confidence in Merkel is most pervasive in France, though it is still quite broad-based among her countrymen and women: More than eight-in-ten in France (84%) have faith in Merkel while three-in-four (76%) do in Germany. Fewer, but still about half in Britain (53%) and Spain (51%) hold Merkel in high regard. Positive evaluations also outweigh negative assessments in Russia and Poland, though views are more closely divided in Poland (45% confident vs. 41% not confident).

Confidence in Merkel is mixed in non-European nations with the largest economies, and many in these countries are unfamiliar with the German leader. Nearly half (47%) in Japan have positive views of Merkel’s foreign policy leadership while nearly four-in-ten do in the U.S (39%); many in both publics did not provide an answer. Few in either China (26%) or India (18%) trust in Merkel’s judgment although many in both countries offer no opinion (China 40%, India 54%).

Merkel is much less popular in the Middle East than in other parts of the world. Majorities in Turkey (68%), Lebanon (60%), Jordan (59%) and Egypt (55%) hold negative views of the German Chancellor.

Views of Merkel have fluctuated somewhat in the past year. Positive views of Merkel increased substantially in Spain: In 2007 just over one-third (36%) in Spain had confidence in Merkel while in 2008, half (51%) say they do. A much smaller increase occurred among Russians as well (+5 points).

The story is the reverse for both Germany and Britain; fewer among both of these publics are confident in Merkel now than one year ago. In 2007 more than eight-in-ten Germans (85%) and six-in-ten British (62%) had faith in her foreign policy decisions, while just over three-quarters (76%) of Germans and half of those in Great Britain (53%) do now.

Confidence in Sarkozy is Mixed

Among the European publics surveyed, confidence in Sarkozy to do the right thing in matters of foreign policy is mixed. In Britain, a majority hold a positive view of him (53%). The French themselves are conflicted; half (51%) have confidence while the other half (49%) do not. In Poland, positive assessments of Sarkozy (45%) slightly outweigh negative ones (34%). However, majorities or pluralities in Spain (56%), Germany (51%) and Russia (42%) lack faith in the French president.

Views of Sarkozy are also largely mixed among non-European publics. A plurality of Americans (37%) have a positive opinion of Sarkozy, though nearly as many in the U.S. hold a negative (30%) view or do not offer an answer (33%). Negative views are especially common in Japan, where half say they have little or no confidence in the French president.

Sarkozy receives mostly negative ratings in the Middle East with the exception of Lebanon. More than seven-in-ten in Turkey (74%), and more than six-in-ten in Egypt (67%) and Jordan (63%), lack confidence in Sarkozy in the foreign policy arena. By contrast, a majority in Lebanon (56%) have faith in him.

Europeans Concerned About Dependence on Russian Energy

Majorities in all European countries surveyed except Spain say they are concerned about their country’s dependence on Russian energy resources: Roughly six-in-ten or more among British (67%), Polish (66%), German (62%) and French (58%) publics express concern; the Spanish public is evenly split on this issue (46% concerned, 47% not concerned).

Some limited change in concern about dependence on Russian resources has occurred in the past year; slightly more are worried now in Germany (62%), France (58%), and Spain (46%) than in 2007 (Germany 58%, France 53%, Spain 38%). By contrast, fewer Poles are worried now (66%) than were one year ago (75%). British views have remained unchanged.

Five years after the start of the war in Iraq, the image of the United States abroad remains far less positive than it was before the war and at the beginning of the century. However, the latest survey by the Pew Global Attitudes Project finds some encouraging signs for America’s global image for the first time this decade.

Favorable views of the United States have increased modestly since 2007 in 10 of 21 countries where comparative data are available. Perhaps more importantly, the polling finds many people around the world paying close attention to the U.S. presidential election. Moreover – except in countries that are extremely anti-American – those who are paying attention generally believe the next president may well change U.S. foreign policy for the better. In nearly every country surveyed, greater numbers express confidence in presidential candidate Barack Obama than in John McCain.

However, the survey of more than 24,000 people in 24 countries, conducted March 17 to April 21, finds another change in global opinion that could present a formidable challenge to the United States in the future. Around the world, people have a new concern: slumping economic conditions. And they have a familiar complaint – most think the U.S. is having a considerable influence on their economy, and it is largely seen as a negative one.

Majorities in 18 of the 24 countries surveyed describe current economic conditions in their country as bad. Assessments have worsened over the past year among countries surveyed in both this year and 2007. The median percentage rating their national economy as bad rose from 50% in 2007 to 61% in the current poll. The proportion of respondents expressing a positive view of their nation’s economy has declined in 14 of the 22 countries since last year.

The publics of two emerging Asian superpowers – China and India – remain upbeat about national economic conditions, though Indians are less positive than they were a year ago. In contrast, some of the most negative evaluations of economic conditions come from citizens of advanced Western countries. Positive views of the economy have declined sharply over the past year in Great Britain, the United States and Spain. France, where most people were already quite negative about the economy, registered a further decline; in the current survey, just 19% of the French view the national economy as good, down from 30% in 2007.

While American and Chinese publics are at opposite poles with the respect to opinions about their national economies, the new Global Attitudes survey finds growing symmetry in the way that the United States and China are viewed by people all around the world. Overall, favorable ratings of the two countries are fairly comparable as China’s image has slipped a bit and the U.S. image, if anything, has improved slightly. Both the United States and China are widely viewed as taking a unilateralist approach in their relations with other nations, while at the same time both are seen as having considerable influence on other countries. And as global warming is of increasing importance to the citizens of the world, both the U.S, and China are criticized for the way they deal with environmental problems.

Blaming the United States

Large majorities in countries ranging from economically advanced Great Britain and Germany to developing nations such as Egypt and Indonesia say that what happens in the American economy affects economic conditions in their own countries. With only a few exceptions, the American economy is now seen as having a negative impact on national economies, both large and small, in all parts of the world.

The view that the American economy is hurting their national economies is most prevalent among the publics of Western Europe. About seven-in-ten in Great Britain, Germany (72% each) and France (70%) say that the U.S. economy is having a negative impact on economic conditions in their country. India and Nigeria are the only nations surveyed where more than a third of respondents express a positive view of America’s economic influence.

U.S. Favorability Edges Up

Despite these economic concerns, there is little evidence that the overall image of the United States has slipped further as a consequence. In fact, positive views of the United States have risen sharply in Tanzania (by 19 points) and South Korea (12 points), and by smaller but significant margins in Indonesia, China, India and Poland. Overall, opinions of the United States are most positive in South Korea, Poland, India and in the three African countries surveyed this year – Tanzania, Nigeria and South Africa.

However, positive opinions of the United States have declined by 11 points in Japan – a traditional U.S. ally – and in neighboring Mexico (by nine points). The image of the United States also remains overwhelmingly negative in most of the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, though no more so than in recent years.

Fewer than a quarter of respondents express positive opinions of the United States in Egypt (22%), Jordan (19%), Pakistan (19%) and Turkey (12%). Large majorities in Turkey and Pakistan say they think of the United States as “more of an enemy” rather than as “more of a friend” (70% in Turkey; 60% in Pakistan). In Lebanon, 80% of Shia Muslims consider the United States to be more of an enemy.

As in recent years, favorable views of the United States remain fairly low among the publics of a number of its traditional Western European allies. Solid majorities continue to express unfavorable opinions of the U.S. in France, Germany and Spain. Great Britain is the only country – of four Western European nations surveyed – where a majority (53%) expresses a positive view of the U.S.

Next American President

The survey also finds a widespread belief that U.S. foreign policy “will change for the better” after the inauguration of a new American president next year. Among people who have been following the election, large majorities in France (68%), Spain (67%) and Germany (64%) say that they believe that U.S. foreign policy will improve after the election. This sentiment is also common in the African countries included in the survey – Nigeria (67%), South Africa (66%) and Tanzania (65%).

Yet this belief is far from universal. In Jordan and Egypt, more people who are following the election say they expect new leadership to change U.S. foreign policy for the worse than say they expect a change for the better. Two-thirds of the Japanese (67%) who are following the election say it will not bring about much change in U.S. foreign policy. That is the plurality opinion in Russia and Turkey as well.

There is considerable interest in the presidential campaign in the surveyed countries. A large majority of Japanese say they are following the election very closely (24%) or somewhat closely (59%). As a point of comparison, a third of Americans are following the election very closely, with another 47% saying they are tracking the campaign somewhat closely.

At least half or more of respondents in such countries as Germany, Australia, Great Britain and Jordan are closely following the election. There is less interest in the election in many other countries, including France, where 40% are focusing on the campaign, Mexico (33%) and Spain (25%).

People around the world who have been paying attention to the American election express more confidence in Barack Obama than in John McCain to do the right thing regarding world affairs. McCain is rated lower than Obama in every country surveyed, except for the United States where his rating matches Obama’s, as well as in Jordan and Pakistan where few people have confidence in either candidate.

Obama’s advantage over McCain is overwhelming in the Western European countries surveyed: Fully 84% of the French who have been following the election say they have confidence in Obama to do the right thing regarding world affairs, compared with 33% who say that about McCain. The differences in ratings for Obama and McCain are about as large in Spain and Germany, and are only somewhat narrower in Great Britain.

China Under the Microscope

With global attention focused on China in anticipation of the Beijing Olympics, people around the world express considerable concern about Chinese policies and the impact that China is having on their own countries and lives. China is faulted for a unilateral approach in its dealings with other countries and for not respecting human rights at home. And it is increasingly seen as hurting the global environment at a time when concerns about global warming run very high and have increased in many countries.

The verdict is more mixed with regard to China’s growing economic power and the impact it is having on the well being of other nations. China is a consistent worry to the publics of most Western nations, as well as to the South Koreans, but the publics of other Asian nations, including the Japanese, Indonesians and Pakistanis generally see increasing Chinese economic power as a good thing. And the publics of African nations, in particular Nigeria and Tanzania, are most likely to look favorably upon China’s burgeoning economic impact and influence.

Overall the current survey, which was conducted at a time when China was coming under harsh criticism for its crackdown on political dissent in Tibet, once again finds favorable ratings of China slipping in many countries. Positive views fell significantly in nine of 21 countries in which polls were taken in 2007, as well as in the current survey. Opinions of China tumbled the most in France (47% to 28%) and in Japan (29% to 14%). Favorable ratings of China are highest in Nigeria, Pakistan, Tanzania and Russia.

Despite growing anti-Chinese sentiment, people in most countries surveyed approve of the decision to hold the Olympics in Beijing. In 14 of 23 countries, clear majorities favor the idea. Dissenters are most prevalent in Japan (55%), France (55%), Germany (47%) and the U.S. (43%).

Advocates of the Olympics decision are most often found in neighboring Asian nations India, Indonesia, Pakistan and South Korea. But many people in African and Latin American nations that have strong economic ties to China, including Nigeria (79%), Argentina (72%), Mexico (67%) and Brazil (76%), are also overwhelmingly enthusiastic about the decision.

The new survey finds that global views of China and the U.S. are parallel in many respects. First, there is parity in the worldwide images of the two nations. The survey found the publics of nine countries holding a more favorable view of the U.S. than China, which was matched by 10 countries where there is a more favorable view of China. (In three countries, publics had an equally favorable view of the U.S. and China.)

In Asia, the U.S. is much better rated than China by the Indians and the South Koreans. But, the Chinese image far outshines the U.S. image among Indonesians, Pakistanis and Russians. In Western Europe, the British, French, and Germans rate both the U.S. and the American people more positively than they do China and the Chinese people.

As with the United States, people around the world are critical of China for not taking into account the interests of other countries in the formulation of international policies. Criticisms of Chinese unilateralism are particularly prevalent in neighboring Japan and South Korea.

Also paralleling opinion of the United States, many people around the world think that China has a direct bearing on how things are going in their country. This view is especially prevalent among Asian publics, as well as those of leading Western powers: Fully 86% of Japanese respondents think that China has a significant amount of influence on the way things are going in their country, a view shared by 76% of the American public. Somewhat smaller majorities in France, Germany and Great Britain concur.

However, large majorities of the publics of two of the three African nations included in the survey are also of the view that China has an impact on their respective countries – 70% of Nigerians and 63% of South Africans believe that China has a bearing on the course of their nations. But, for the most part, African publics, unlike most people in other parts of the world, think that China’s influence is positive. For example, 85% of Nigerians who think China is having an influence on their country believe its impact is a good one, while only 22% of the British hold the same view.

Human Rights Concerns

One continuing advantage for the U.S. over China is that large majorities of people in most countries are critical of China for not respecting the personal freedoms of its people. By contrast, for the most part, the U.S. is seen as mindful of the rights of its citizens. Overwhelming numbers of people in Western countries are critical of China in this regard, rating it as negatively as Iran in terms of respect for human rights. Only in Nigeria, Pakistan, Tanzania and Indonesia do most people think well of China’s concern for personal freedoms.

Closer to the lives of people all around the world, respondents in most countries say they think that products made in China are less safe than products made in other countries. Majorities of respondents in 18 of 24 countries expressed concerns about Chinese exports.

Yet, for all the criticisms of China with respect to how it operates both at home and abroad, there is little public alarm. China is not seen as an enemy by the vast majority of people in the countries surveyed. Even in Japan where views about China are highly unfavorable, only 23% of respondents describe China as an enemy. Indeed, China is more often thought of as a partner in Africa – majorities in Nigeria (78%), Tanzania (74%) and South Africa (53%) express this view.

Additional Findings

• Support for international trade continues to decline in the United States – 53% of Americans say trade is good for their country, down from 59% last year and 78% in 2002. Support for trade is lower in the U.S. than in any other country included in the survey.
• The survey finds little optimism about the likelihood of success in Iraq. Americans are much less optimistic than they were two years ago – 40% now say efforts to establish a stable democratic Iraqi government will succeed, down from 54% in 2006. However, optimism has increased slightly in both Egypt (32% in 2006, 41% now) and Jordan (34% in 2006, 41% now).
• Majorities or pluralities in 21 of 24 countries want the U.S. and NATO to remove their troops from Afghanistan as soon as possible. However, public opinion in the U.S., Great Britain and Australia – all of which have a military presence in Afghanistan – leans toward keeping troops there until the situation has stabilized.
• In 22 of 24 countries, the U.S. is most commonly identified as the world’s leading economic power. Pluralities in Germany and Australia, however, name China.
• Western European publics are more likely than China’s Asian neighbors to believe China will ultimately replace the United States as the world’s leading superpower. Most Chinese think their country either has already supplanted the U.S. (5%) or will eventually do so (53%).
• Asian publics generally have favorable views of both Japan and India, although neither country fares so well among its traditional rivals. Only 21% of Chinese have a positive opinion of Japan and just 27% of Pakistanis hold a favorable view of India.
• As he nears the end of his second term, U.S. President George W. Bush continues to receive negative reviews from international publics. In 14 of 24 countries, two-thirds or more of respondents express little or no confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs.
• In the U.S., just 37% voice confidence in Bush, that compares to 78% in May 2003, just months after the beginning of the Iraq war.
• Views of French President Nicholas Sarkozy are mixed, both inside and outside Europe. Among the French themselves, 51% have a lot or some confidence in their president to do the right thing in foreign policy, while 49% have little or no confidence. However, the French hold decidedly positive views of Angela Merkel – 84% have confidence in the German Chancellor. This is similar to 2006, when the French held Merkel in much higher regard than Sarkozy’s predecessor Jacques Chirac.
• Merkel also receives high marks from her fellow Germans – 76% have confidence in her. Of the three European leaders assessed on the survey – Merkel, Sarkozy and Russia’s Vladimir Putin – Merkel generally receives the highest ratings from global publics.
• The U.S. is blamed more often than any other country for harming the world’s environment, although concerns about China’s environmental record are on the rise as well – the view that China is most to blame is up significantly in 13 of 20 countries.

The trend in recent years has been decidedly negative for both leaders. In most countries where trend data are available, confidence in both leaders to “do the right thing” in foreign policy has declined significantly since 2003.

Other key world figures also face broad doubts about their leadership. President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela, a sharp critic of the United States and an ally of Cuba, inspires little confidence outside of his home country, either across Latin America or around the world.

Outside of some countries in Asia and Africa, Chinese President Hu Jintao is not widely trusted in his dealings with other nations. New German Chancellor Angela Merkel is well regarded throughout much of Europe and Africa. But among those with an opinion, majorities or substantial pluralities in most countries of the Middle East have little confidence in her foreign policy, and she remains largely unknown in much of Latin America.

Bush’s Ratings Sag

In 37 of the 47 countries surveyed, including the United States, majorities say they have little or no trust in Bush to do the right thing in world affairs. Only in Israel and six of the 10 nations surveyed in sub-Saharan Africa do majorities express confidence in Bush. And in most countries where trend data are available, confidence in Bush has either declined in recent years or held steady at very low levels.

The lack of confidence in Bush’s handling of world affairs is most apparent among predominantly Muslim publics in the Middle East. In the Palestinian territories, about nine-in-ten (91%) say they have little or no confidence in Bush to do the right thing regarding world affairs; 84% say they have “no confidence at all” in Bush’s leadership. Opinions about Bush are about as negative in Turkey, where just 2% express even some confidence in Bush and 89% have little or no confidence. Confidence in Bush’s leadership has plummeted in Kuwait, from 62% to 25% since 2003, but has risen significantly in Lebanon, where 34% today say they have at least some confidence in the U.S. president, up from 17% in 2003.

Negative opinions of Bush’s leadership are nearly as extensive in the predominantly Muslim nations of Asia. In Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia and Pakistan, fewer than one-in-five express confidence in Bush. In Pakistan, confidence in Bush has been very low since 2003; in Indonesia, it is only modestly higher than it was four years ago (14% now, 8% then).

In each of the seven Latin American countries surveyed, more distrust than trust Bush by margins of at least two-to-one. Confidence is particularly low in Argentina (87% little or no confidence) and Brazil (80%). Bush is equally unpopular among U.S. allies in Europe. Eight-in-ten or more express little or no confidence in Bush in Spain (88%), France (85%) and Germany (80%); even in Great Britain, 70% express doubt about Bush’s ability to do the right thing in world affairs.

While doubts about Bush’s approach to foreign policy were already widespread in Germany, Spain and Italy at the outset of the Iraq war in 2003, confidence has eroded substantially in all three nations. In both Canada and Great Britain, confidence in Bush has fallen from majorities in 2003 (59% in Canada, 51% in Britain, respectively) to minorities in the current survey (28% and 24%, respectively).

Bush retains majority support in Israel, where 57% express confidence in his leadership. But this represents a decline of 26 percentage points since 2003. Aside from Israel, confidence in Bush’s leadership is extensive only in some African nations where the overall U.S. image is quite positive. This is particularly true in the Ivory Coast (82%), Kenya (72%), Ghana (69%) and Mali (66%). Moreover, confidence in Bush has grown from 52% to 62% in just the last year in Nigeria.

Putin Also Viewed Skeptically

Over the past four years, confidence in Vladimir Putin’s leadership has plummeted in Western Europe and other advanced democracies. The biggest decline has occurred in Germany, where confidence in Putin’s handling of world affairs fell from 75% in 2003 to just 32%. Fully two-thirds of Germans say they have little or no confidence in Putin, and substantial majorities in France (81%), Spain (76%), Sweden (68%) and Italy (60%) also express minimal confidence in his approach to international relations.

In Great Britain, confidence in Putin has fallen from 53% to 37% since 2003. Yet even with these declines, more Britons and Germans trust Putin to do the right thing regarding world affairs than trust George W. Bush.

In Asia, roughly two-thirds of Japanese (68%) and about half of South Koreans (51%) express little or no confidence in Putin. Just a year ago, 40% of Japanese said they had a lot or some confidence in Putin’s foreign leadership, but just 19% say the same today. But in China and India, confidence in Putin is on the rise. A solid majority of Chinese (58%) expresses confidence in Putin as a world leader, an eight-percentage point increase in the past year. In India, the percentage expressing confidence in Putin to do the right thing is up slightly from 36% to 43%.

While the world remains broadly suspicious of Putin, he has never been more popular in his home country. Currently, 84% of Russians say they have confidence in their leader to do the right thing in international affairs, a nine-point increase in the past year.

Perhaps the starkest contrasts in views of Putin are among the Eastern European countries formerly tied to the Soviet Union. Putin receives his worst rating in Poland, where fully 81% have little or no confidence in how he handles world affairs, and just 7% express trust in his leadership. Yet in the Ukraine, 56% give Putin positive marks on the same question. Views of Putin are more divided in Bulgaria (44% a lot or some confidence, 38% little or none) and Slovakia (40%, 54%), while Czechs tend to view Putin with suspicion (70% little or no confidence).

Little Confidence in Chavez in Latin America

While Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez is not nearly as visible on the world stage as Bush and Putin, he is widely recognized – and widely mistrusted – throughout Latin America. While most respondents in Venezuela (54%) express at least some confidence in Chavez to do the right thing in world affairs, 45% say they have little or no confidence in him.

Elsewhere in the region, views of Chavez are far more negative. In Chile and Brazil, about three-quarters express doubts about Chavez (75% and 74%, respectively), and nearly as many in Peru (70%) say the same. In fact, majorities in both Brazil (56%) and Peru (53%) say they have “no confidence at all” in Chavez to do the right thing regarding world affairs. Smaller majorities in Mexico (66%) and Bolivia (59%) say they have little or no confidence in Chavez, while in Argentina, views on Chavez are mixed: 40% say they have a lot or some confidence in the Venezuelan president, while 43% disagree.

Chavez is viewed a bit less negatively, though he is less widely known, in Africa. More than half (53%) of those in the Ivory Coast express confidence in Chavez as a world leader while 45% disagree. And in Mali, the proportion with a positive view of Chavez’s ability to handle foreign affairs (50%) outnumber those who had little or no confidence in him (32%).

In the United States, a 55% majority expresses little (17%) or no confidence (38%) in Chavez’s leadership, while just 18% say they have some or a lot of confidence in him. This is comparable with opinion in other Western nations, though in many countries Chavez is not widely known. Skepticism is greatest in Spain, where 70% say they have little or no trust in Chavez and just 16% have at least some. In Great Britain, by comparison, opinion is less one-sided, with 32% expressing little or no confidence in Chavez, 21% a lot or some, and fully 47% unable to say one way or the other.

Mixed Views in Middle East Toward Iranian President

Among Muslim nations in the Middle East, attitudes toward Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad are largely negative. Clear majorities in Kuwait (55%), Lebanon (69%), Egypt (72%), and Jordan (78%) have little or no confidence in Ahmadinejad. In the Palestinian territories, however, opinion on the Iranian leader tilts positive, with 47% expressing a lot or some confidence and 40% saying they have little or no confidence. Similarly in Africa, negative evaluations outweigh positive views of him, although opinions are more divided in predominantly Muslim countries (Mali and Senegal).

But in the predominantly Muslim nations in Asia there is greater confidence in Ahmadinejad. Nearly two-thirds of those interviewed in Bangladesh (64%) express at least some confidence in him as a world leader. In Indonesia, 51% say they have confidence in him while 24% said they do not. Overall, positive evaluations also outweigh negative views in neighboring Pakistan (41% confident vs. 21% not confident), but many people (37%) express no opinion.

Western publics are broadly mistrustful of Ahmadinejad, who has signaled his country’s intention to move forward with its nuclear weapons program. Overwhelming majorities in the United States (72%), Canada (67%), France (89%), Germany (85%), Britain (70%), Italy (74%) and Spain (71%) express little or no confidence in the Iranian leader. Not surprisingly, the Israelis give Ahmadinejad extremely low ratings; 88% say they have little (8%) or no confidence at all (80%) in him to do the right thing regarding world affairs.

In Asia, Divided Views of China’s Hu Jintao

Chinese President Hu Jintao remains largely unknown in many parts of the world. Even in many countries in his own region as many as a third or more do not know enough to offer an opinion of him. In Asia, confidence in the Chinese leader varies widely, while in Africa, where China’s growing economic influence has been welcomed, opinions are strongly positive. This question was not asked in China itself.

The balance of opinion on Hu’s leadership is strongly positive in Malaysia, Bangladesh and Pakistan; in all three countries, approximately half express at least some confidence in Hu to do the right thing in world affairs, while much smaller numbers have little or no confidence. In Indonesia, those who are confident in Hu as a world leader also outnumber those who do not by a 42% to 29% margin.

In South Korea and Japan, views of Hu stand in stark contrast to the other Asian nations surveyed. In both nations, 57% have little or no confidence in Hu to do the right thing regarding world affairs, while only about a quarter in each express a lot or some confidence.

Opinion of the Chinese leader is divided in two of China’s other important neighbors. In India, 31% express a lot or some confidence in Hu, while 34% do not. In Russia, the balance of opinion is somewhat more favorable, with 35% at least somewhat trusting of Hu when it comes to world affairs and 25% expressing little or no confidence.

Opinions of Hu are mostly negative in the West. In the United States, 29% have at least some confidence in the Chinese leader while 46% do not. Views also are negative in much of Latin America and in Europe. In France, for example, 70% doubt Hu’s leadership, while just 27% have some confidence in him. Views divide more evenly in Great Britain, where 33% trust Hu and 39% do not.

Merkel Broadly Popular in Europe

Majorities in most European countries say they have confidence in German Chancellor Angela Merkel to do the right thing in matters of foreign policy. And in some countries, notably Great Britain, the percentage expressing confidence in Merkel’s leadership has grown since last year.

Confidence in Merkel is as high in France as it is in her home country. Nearly nine-in-ten French (87%) say they have at least some confidence in her as a world leader, as do 85% of Germans. Substantial majorities share high regard for the German chancellor in the Czech Republic (73%), Slovakia (67%), Sweden (65%) and Britain (62%). Positive evaluations also outweigh negative views in Russia and the Ukraine. In Spain, however, views are sharply divided: 36% express confidence, while 38% do not.

In both Germany and France, positive opinion of Merkel’s leadership has edged upward since 2006 (eight points in Germany, seven points in France). And in Great Britain, the balance of opinion toward Merkel is considerably more positive than it was last year: Currently, 62% of the British express at least some confidence in Merkel to do the right thing on world affairs, while 16% have little or no confidence. Last year, 51% said they were confident in Merkel, while 26% said they had little or no confidence in her.

Views of Merkel are far more negative throughout the Middle East. Seven-in-ten Palestinians (71%) say they have little or no confidence in her, and attitudes toward Merkel are almost as negative in Israel (61% little or no confidence). And in Turkey, just 10% express confidence in Merkel, while more than six times as many (63%) lack confidence in her ability to do the right thing in world affairs.

Osama bin Laden Widely Mistrusted

Confidence in Osama bin Laden remains very low in most countries surveyed. In several, confidence in the al Qaeda leader has declined sharply. Large majorities in most nations outside of the Middle East say they have little or no confidence in bin Laden.

Among Muslims, bin Laden is widely mistrusted in all but a handful of countries, including overwhelming majorities of Muslims in Lebanon (95%), Turkey (74%), Egypt (69%), Jordan (69%) and Kuwait (68%). Only in the Palestinian territories and Nigeria do majorities of the Muslim populations say they have at least some confidence in bin Laden to do the right thing in world affairs. Among Palestinians, 57% express confidence in the al Qaeda leader while 35% do not. But even here, bin Laden’s support has decreased: In 2003, 72% of Palestinians said they trusted him to do what is right.

Across the Muslim world, attitudes toward bin Laden have grown more negative, with the exception of Nigeria. In Jordan, the proportion trusting him on foreign affairs has fallen from 56% in 2003 to 20% in the current poll. Similarly in Indonesia, 41% of Muslims interviewed have a positive view of him as a world leader, down 18 percentage points in the past four years. Positive views of bin Laden among Muslims in Pakistan and Kuwait have declined the least. Currently, 38% of Pakistani Muslims say they have at least some confidence in bin Laden, down eight percentage points. The share of Kuwaiti Muslims expressing his view has declined by seven points, though it was from a much smaller base: Today, 13% of Muslims in Kuwait have a positive opinion of bin Laden as a world leader.

Views of the United Nations

Majorities in 33 of the 47 countries surveyed have a favorable view of the United Nations, but the institution’s image varies widely. Support for the U.N. tends to be overwhelming in sub-Saharan Africa, especially in Kenya (88% favorable) and Ghana (85%).

However, opinions of the U.N. are sharply negative in Jordan, Turkey and Egypt, as well as in Israel and the Palestinian territories. About two-thirds of Jordanians (66%) are critical of the U.N., as are 57% of Turks and 55% of Egyptians. The U.N. has been consistently rated negatively in Jordan over the past three years, but Turkish opinion has shifted dramatically since 2004. A 51% majority in Turkey felt favorably toward the U.N. in 2004; fewer than half that number (23%) feel the same today.

Israelis and the Palestinians find rare common ground in their dislike of the U.N. Large majorities of both publics say they have an unfavorable view (69% in the Palestinian territories, 58% in Israel). The balance of opinion toward the U.N. is also negative in Morocco and Pakistan, though nearly half of respondents in these countries have no opinion. As in Turkey, Pakistani views have turned decidedly negative over the past three years, with half the number expressing favorable views today as did so in 2004.

At the same time, however, the U.N. is seen in an overwhelmingly favorable light in a number of other predominantly Muslim nations around the world – more than three-quarters in Indonesia (81%), Bangladesh (80%), Senegal (79%) and Mali (76%) express a favorable view of the United Nations. In addition, Lebanese respondents stand apart from those in neighboring Middle Eastern nations surveyed, with a 62% majority expressing a favorable opinion of the U.N.

Among the advanced industrial democracies surveyed, publics in Japan and the United States have the least favorable views of the United Nations. The Japanese are divided, with 41% expressing a favorable opinion of the U.N., and 40% unfavorable. This represents a favorability drop of 15 points since 2006. Americans have a somewhat more favorable opinion of the U.N. About half (48%) have a positive opinion of the world body, down seven points from March, 2004, and 39% have a negative impression.

Favorable views of the U.N. have also declined in some Western European nations, though the balance of opinion there remains largely positive. In Great Britain, 58% feel favorably toward the U.N., down from 74% in 2004, and there has been a smaller decline in Germany (from 71% to 64% today.) Spanish and French respondents feel somewhat more favorably (63% and 66%, respectively) and nearly eight-in-ten Swedes (79%) hold a positive view of the U.N.

The balance of opinion about the U.N. is similar in Eastern Europe to that in Western Europe, with majorities in every country surveyed expressing favorable opinions of the institution. In addition, 58% of Russians have a positive impression of the United Nations.

In five of the seven Latin American countries surveyed, pluralities or majorities have a favorable impression of the organization, ranging from 43% in Bolivia (33% unfavorable) to 58% in Peru. An equal number of Brazilians express favorable (45%) and unfavorable (44%) opinions, and in Argentina, opinions are decidedly negative: 41% have an unfavorable view of the U.N. while 24% are supportive.

Views on European Union Positive

Majorities in 33 of the 47 countries surveyed have a favorable view of the European Union. Only in the Middle East are negative impressions widespread, with majorities in Jordan (70%), the Palestinian territories (60%) and Turkey (58%) expressing an unfavorable opinion of the EU.

Large majorities in most of the 10 EU member countries included in the survey have a positive view of the organization. Only in Great Britain and the Czech Republic is the balance of opinion less than decisive. Narrow majorities in both countries – 54% in the Czech Republic and 52% in Great Britain – express a favorable opinion of the EU while 44% and 37%, respectively, feel unfavorably. Opinion is most favorable in Poland (83%), Bulgaria (81%), Spain (80%), Slovakia (79%) and Italy (78%).

As with the United Nations, views of the EU are mostly positive in Africa, with more mixed opinions elsewhere. In the United States, 47% have a favorable opinion while 22% are negative and the remainder do not have an opinion. This represents an improvement in favorable judgments from three years ago, when 39% of Americans felt favorably toward the EU, but is still a bit lower than the 53% favorable rating for the EU in the 2002 Global Attitudes survey.

Russian opinions of the EU remain strongly positive. Roughly six-in-ten Russians express a positive view of the European Union, unchanged from 2004. By comparison, publics in China and India have more mixed opinions of the EU. In China, as many people have an unfavorable opinion as a favorable one (40% each), while in India a modest plurality has a positive impression of the European Union.

The ongoing frustration in Turkey over its on-again, off-again membership negotiations with the European Union are vividly reflected in these data. Currently only about one-in-four Turks (27%) have a favorable view of the EU, down from 58% in 2004. At the same time, the proportion with an unfavorable opinion increased from 35% to 58%. Last December, EU commissioners officially voted to partially suspend membership talks with Turkey, in part over the failure of Turkey and Greece to make progress on the Cyprus issue.

A 47-nation survey finds global public opinion increasingly wary of the world’s dominant nations and disapproving of their leaders. Anti-Americanism is extensive, as it has been for the past five years. At the same time, the image of China has slipped significantly among the publics of other major nations. Opinion about Russia is mixed, but confidence in its president, Vladimir Putin, has declined sharply. In fact, the Russian leader’s negatives have soared to the point that they mirror the nearly worldwide lack of confidence in George W. Bush.

Global distrust of American leadership is reflected in increasing disapproval of the cornerstones of U.S. foreign policy. Not only is there worldwide support for a withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq, but there also is considerable opposition to U.S. and NATO operations in Afghanistan. Western European publics are at best divided about keeping troops there. In nearly every predominantly Muslim country, overwhelming majorities want U.S. and NATO troops withdrawn from Afghanistan as soon as possible. In addition, global support for the U.S.-led war on terrorism ebbs ever lower. And the United States is the nation blamed most often for hurting the world’s environment, at a time of rising global concern about environmental issues.

At the same time, China’s expanding economic and military power is triggering considerable anxiety. Large majorities in many countries think that China’s growing military might is a bad thing, and the publics of many advanced nations are increasingly concerned about the impact of China’s economic power on their own countries.

Russia and its president also are unpopular in many countries of the world. But criticisms of that nation and its leader are sharpest in Western Europe where many citizens worry about overdependence on the Russian energy supply. For instance, despite sharp declines in favorable views of the U.S. in France and Germany since 2002, Russia’s image in those countries is no better.

There is little evidence that discontent with the major nations of the world and their leaders is resulting in greater confidence in those who have challenged the global status quo. Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez inspires little public confidence, even in Latin America, and huge majorities in most countries also say they have little or no confidence in Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to do the right thing regarding world affairs. There also is broad opposition to Iran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons. Citizens all around the world voice substantial concern about the threat posed by a nuclear-armed Iran. This includes the Muslim publics of neighboring nations such as Kuwait and Turkey.

The Pew survey finds a general increase in the percentage of people citing pollution and environmental problems as a top global threat. Worries have risen sharply in Latin America and Europe, as well as in Japan and India. Many people blame the United States — and to a lesser extent China — for these problems and look to Washington to do something about them.

As was the case in Pew’s first major global survey in 2002, global concerns vary significantly by region of the world. The spread of nuclear weapons is a growing worry in the Middle East — it is named as a top global danger in that region, along with religious and ethnic hatreds.

AIDS and other infectious diseases continue to be viewed as the dominant threat in Africa and a major concern in Latin America. Yet the polling also finds that African publics are increasingly concerned about the growing gap between rich and poor. In addition, the belief that economic inequality represents a major global danger has become much more prevalent in South Korea and Russia.

In the face of strong criticisms of its foreign policy, the U.S. is cited in many countries about as often as the U.N. as the entity that should be responsible for dealing with the problems that confront the world. This is particularly the case among people who are most concerned about the spread of nuclear weapons. But when it comes to AIDS and the gap between rich and poor, many who see these as important threats look to their own countries to provide solutions.

Most people in the survey, conducted in 46 countries and the Palestinian territories, have a favorable view of the United Nations. Negative views of the U.N. are most prevalent in the Middle East. Large majorities in both the Palestinian territories (69%) and Israel (58%) express unfavorable opinions of the world body. U.S. opinion of the U.N. remains mixed — 48% have a favorable view, 39% unfavorable. For the most part, global opinion of the European Union parallels opinion of the U.N.; in the U.S. roughly twice as many have a positive view of the EU than a negative one (47% vs. 22%), although many Americans offer no opinion (30%).

Anti-Americanism: Deeper But Not Wider

In the current poll, majorities in 25 of the 47 countries surveyed express positive views of the U.S. Since 2002, however, the image of the United States has declined in most parts of the world. Favorable ratings of America are lower in 26 of 33 countries for which trends are available.

The U.S. image remains abysmal in most Muslim countries in the Middle East and Asia, and continues to decline among the publics of many of America’s oldest allies. Favorable views of the U.S. are in single digits in Turkey (9%) and have declined to 15% in Pakistan. Currently, just 30% of Germans have a positive view of the U.S. — down from 42% as recently as two years ago — and favorable ratings inch ever lower in Great Britain and Canada.

For all of the bad news, however, the global survey of 47 nations, conducted throughout the world, reveals a more complex picture of opinions of the United States.

First, the U.S. image remains positive in Africa. In several African countries, such as Ethiopia and Kenya, it is overwhelmingly positive. In addition, majorities in two of America’s most important Asian trading partners — India and Japan — continue to express favorable opinions of the United States. And the U.S. image has improved dramatically in South Korea since 2003 (from 46% to 58% favorable).

While opinion of the U.S. has slipped in Latin America over the past five years, majorities in such countries as Mexico, Peru and even Venezuela still say they have a positive opinion of their large neighbor to the north. Similarly, “new Europe” likes America better than “old Europe,” although the U.S. image is not nearly as strong in Eastern Europe as it was five years ago.

And while negative views of the U.S. continue to prevail in much of the Muslim world, anger is not as universal today as it was in the spring of 2003 after the start of the war in Iraq. At that time, just 1% of Jordanians — and less than 1% in the Palestinian territories — gave a favorable rating to the United States, compared with 20% and 13%, respectively, today. And while still far from positive, America’s image has recovered substantially in Lebanon as well.

However, opinions of the American people have declined over the past five years in 23 of 33 countries where trends are available. In Indonesia and Turkey, where favorable views of the U.S. have declined markedly over the past five years, opinions of Americans have fallen sharply as well. In Indonesia, positive opinions of Americans have fallen from 65% in 2002 to 42%; in Turkey, favorable opinions have declined 19 points.

While opinions of Americans have fallen in most Western European countries, they remain generally positive. In every Western European country surveyed, far more people express positive opinions of Americans than they do of the U.S.; in Germany, for instance, 63% say they have a positive opinion of Americans compared with just 30% who rate the U.S. positively.

In fact, in many countries, the American people get better ratings than does the U.S. generally. Latin America is a consistent exception to this rule. In this region, Americans get about the same ratings as their country; either both are mostly favorable, as in Venezuela and Peru, or both are quite low, as in Argentina.

Opinions that Influence America’s Image

This is by far the largest global survey Pew has conducted since 2002. As such, it provides a broad perspective on anti-Americanism, documenting the nature and breadth of negative perceptions of the U.S.

Among key U.S. allies in Western Europe, the view that the U.S. acts unilaterally is an opinion that has tracked closely with America’s overall image over the past five years. Ironically, the belief that the United States does not take into account the interests of other countries in formulating its foreign policy is extensive among the publics of several close U.S. allies. No fewer than 89% of the French, 83% of Canadians and 74% of the British express this opinion.

U.S. policies also are widely viewed as increasing the gap between rich nations and poor nations. This is even the case in several countries where the U.S. is generally well regarded. In addition, this is one of the few criticisms of the U.S. that is widely shared around the world and with which a plurality of Americans (38%) agree.

Critiques of the U.S. are not confined to its policies, however. In much of the world there is broad and deepening dislike of American values and a global backlash against the spread of American ideas and customs. Majorities or pluralities in most countries surveyed say they dislike American ideas about democracy — and this sentiment has increased in most regions since 2002. However, sizable majorities in most African nations — as well as in Israel, South Korea and Japan — continue to express positive views of the U.S. approach to democracy. In addition, a small plurality in China says they like rather than dislike American ideas about democracy (48% to 36%).

Public rejection of American democracy in most countries may in part reflect opinions about the way in which the United States has implemented its pro-democracy agenda, as well as America’s democratic values. Majorities in 43 of 47 countries surveyed — including 63% in the United States — say that the U.S. promotes democracy mostly where it serves its interests, rather than promoting it wherever it can.

The poll also finds negative attitudes toward American ways of doing business. Dislike of the U.S. approach has deepened. However, Muslim countries in the Middle East are a notable exception, despite their generally poor opinion of the U.S. As many as 71% of Kuwaitis, 63% of Lebanese, and even 40% of Palestinians say they like the American way of doing business. But the greatest admirers of the American approach to business continue to be in Africa, where huge majorities in countries such as Kenya and Nigeria endorse it.

While many around the world fault American ideals, there is still considerable admiration for U.S. technology and a strong appetite for its cultural exports. In 42 of 46 foreign countries surveyed, majorities say they admire U.S. technological and scientific advances. In Russia, however, a majority (53%) says nyet to American scientific achievements. Similarly, in most parts of the world, majorities report liking American music, movies and television. However, there is greater dissent with regard to these pop culture exports; majorities in several predominantly Muslim countries, including Bangladesh, Pakistan, Turkey, Jordan and Egypt, say they dislike American music, movies and television. Indians and Russians also express negative views of U.S. cultural exports.

Despite near universal admiration for U.S. technology and a strong appetite for its cultural exports in most parts of the world, large proportions in most countries think it is bad that American ideas and customs are spreading to their countries. The percentage expressing disapproval has increased in many countries since 2002 — including Great Britain (by 17 percentage points), Germany (14 points) and Canada (13 points). Israel, Ethiopia, Ivory Coast and Nigeria are the only countries (aside from the U.S.) in which majorities say they like the spread of American customs.

As noted, however, the U.S. is not alone in drawing the increasing ire of people in other countries. The poll also finds flagging views of China, an emerging superpower. Favorable views of China have fallen in Western Europe — particularly in Spain, Germany and France. And while China’s image is generally positive in Asia, it has grown somewhat more negative in India and much more negative in Japan, where unfavorable opinions of China now outnumber positive ones by more than two-to-one (67%-29%).

Opinion of China’s growing economic power is decidedly negative in Western Europe, where nearly two- thirds of Italians and the French believe this trend is bad for their country. Only in Sweden is there a positive view of this development. The polling also finds concern about China’s economic clout in Mexico, Czech Republic, South Korea and India. In sharp contrast, the publics of the African nations surveyed give thumbs up to China’s economic power.

Majorities or pluralities in the 10 African countries surveyed believe that China has at least a fair amount of influence on their countries. Most people in the African countries surveyed also say that the U.S. has considerable influence; however, U.S. influence is rivaled or exceeded by China’s in a number of African countries, including Mali and Ivory Coast.

Similarly, many people in Latin America believe that China is having an important influence on their countries. While China’s perceived impact in this region is not as great as that of the U.S., majorities in Venezuela and Chile, and half of Mexicans, say China’s influence is growing. In general, Africans are more positive than Latin Americans about the growing influence of both China and the U.S. on their countries. But in both regions, somewhat greater percentages say China’s influence is a good thing than say that about U.S. influence.

Additional Findings

• Many of the publics of NATO countries with significant numbers of troops in Afghanistan are divided over whether U.S. and NATO forces should be brought home immediately, or should remain until the country is stabilized. In the U.S., 50% favor keeping U.S. and NATO troops in Afghanistan, while 42% say they should be withdrawn as soon as possible.
• The Turkish public, which has soured on the U.S., also has become more critical of the European Union. Just 27% of Turks have a favorable opinion of the European Union, down from 58% in 2004.
• Former Soviet bloc nations are deeply divided in their views of Russia. Fully 81% in Ukraine have a positive opinion of Russia, but solid majorities in both Poland and the Czech Republic express negative views.
• America’s image in Venezuela has eroded considerably. Favorable opinions have declined by nearly 30 percentage points since 2002, though a majority (56%) still has a positive impression of the U.S.
• People in Japan and Israel are deeply concerned over the spread of nuclear weapons. Roughly two-thirds in both countries cite nuclear proliferation as top global threat — more than any other nation surveyed.
• Muslim publics in the Middle East express fairly negative views of Iran, with the exception of the Palestinians. But in several Muslim countries outside of the Middle East, majorities have favorable opinions of Iran, including Bangladesh (77% favorable) and Pakistan (68%).
• Russian President Putin inspires much more confidence from his people than does President Bush. More than eight-in-ten Russians (84%) say they have a lot or some confidence in Putin’s approach to world affairs; just 45% of Americans say the same abut Bush.

The Pew Global Attitudes Project is the largest ever series of multinational surveys focusing on worldwide issues. The project began in June 2001 with a grant from The Pew Charitable Trusts to conduct an international survey on globalization and democratization. However, following the tragic events of September 11th, much of our focus shifted – we became primarily concerned with how America is perceived abroad and with global attitudes toward the U.S.-led war on terrorism.

I am here to tell you what we have learned over these years about international opinion of the U.S., including views of its policies, values, and people. Since our first poll in June 2002, we have interviewed in depth about 110,000 people in 50 countries. I believe it is fair to say we have been the first and foremost chronicler of the rise of anti-Americanism in the 21st century. Indeed, the headlines of our annual reports on America’s image tell the story:

• December 2002 – America’s image slips, although goodwill towards the U.S. remains
• June 2003 – U.S. image plunges in the wake of the Iraq war
• March 2004 – No improvement in U.S. image, some worsening in Europe
• June 2005 – U.S. image improves slightly, although still negative in most places; and anti-Americanism is becoming increasingly entrenched
• June 2006 – Show little further progress – in fact some back sliding. Even as the publics of the world concurred with the Americans on many global problems.

This survey highlighted the extent to which the Iraq war is a drag on perceptions of the U.S., even among publics of our oldest allies who largely agree with the U.S. on any number of threats to global stability including Iran and North Korea.

To give you some sense of the magnitude of the problem, favorable attitudes toward the U.S. declined in Germany, from 78% in 2000 to 37% currently. The numbers are similar in France, but even worse in Spain, where only 23% have a favorable view, and in Turkey, where it is 12%. Most people in these countries held positive views of the U.S. at the start of the decade.

Features of Current Anti-Americanism

Beyond the bottom line percentages I would like to describe to you what we have learned about nature of the anti-Americanism we see today.

First, it is worldwide. This is not just a rift with our European allies or hatred of America in the Middle East. It is a global slide, and positive views of the U.S. have declined in other regions of the world, particularly in Latin America and Asia. Our 44-country 2002 poll found America’s image slipping in seven of the eight Latin American countries surveyed, while our 2006 survey revealed declines in Japan and India, two still relatively pro-American Asian powers. Other polls international polls, such as BBC and Gallup have confirmed the continuing world-wide nature of America’s image problem.

Second, while anti-Americanism is a global phenomenon, it is clearly strongest in the Muslim world. For instance, in all five predominantly Muslim countries included in our 2006 study, fewer than one-third of those surveyed had a favorable view of the U.S. Moreover, with the Iraq war, anti-Americanism spread to parts of the Muslim world where the U.S. had previously been relatively popular. In Indonesia, for example, between 2002 and 2003 America’s favorability rating dropped from 61% to only 15%. In Turkey it plunged from 52% in the late 1990s to 15% by 2003.

After Iraq, many in Muslim countries began to see the U.S. as a threat to Islam, and what had perhaps been loathing for the U.S. turned into both fear and loathing. A 2005 Pew study found that in all five majority Muslim countries surveyed, solid majorities said they worried that the U.S. might become a military threat to their country. This includes 65% in Turkey – a longstanding NATO ally.

Third, among many people, anti-Americanism is an intensely held opinion, which makes it difficult to change. The first eye opener for me was a 2003 European Union poll that 53% of people in EU countries saw the U.S. as a threat to world peace. Strikingly, Europeans were as likely to say this about the U.S. as they were to say it about Iran and North Korea.

The 2006 Pew survey had similar findings. The British, French, and Spanish publics were all more likely to say the U.S. presence in Iraq poses a great danger to regional stability and world peace than to say this about the current governments of Iran or North Korea.

A fourth feature of contemporary anti-Americanism is that it is no longer just the U.S. as a country that is perceived negatively, but increasingly the American people as well, a sign that anti-American opinions are deepening and becoming more entrenched. In countries such as Spain, Jordan, Indonesia, and Turkey, favorable views of Americans have declined significantly in recent years.

In 2005, we asked people around the world about the kinds of characteristics they associate with the American people, and we found a somewhat mixed picture. On the positive side, we are widely seen as hardworking and inventive. On the negative side, in most of the countries surveyed, fewer than half said Americans are honest, while majorities said we are greedy and violent. Significant numbers also considered Americans rude and immoral.

One note about American greediness and our own self-image – while publics in Europe, the Middle East, and elsewhere characterize Americans as greedy, we Americans are actually more likely than any other public to say we are greedy and many Americans think the description immoral fits too.

However, the biggest gap between American self-perceptions and how others perceive us is with regard to religiosity. In much of western Europe, the U.S. as a country is considered too religious – our 2005 poll found that majorities in France and the Netherlands and pluralities in Britain and Germany see the U.S. this way. By contrast, a 58% majority of Americans say their country is not religious enough. On this point, Muslims find themselves in rare agreement with the American public; majorities in Indonesia, Pakistan, Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan all believe the U.S. is not religious enough.

Causes of Anti-Americanism

There are a number of factors driving anti-Americanism around the world. Among Muslims, first and foremost is thinking that American policy is too supportive of Israel at the expense of Palestine. Even in Kuwait – an Arab and Muslim country that is relatively pro-American – 77% in a May 2003 poll said the U.S. favors Israel too much.

The U.S.-led war on terrorism is also perceived quite negatively throughout much of the Muslim world. Our recent polling has found declining support for America’s anti-terrorism efforts in many parts of the globe, but the war on terror has always been largely unpopular in Muslim countries, where it is seen as an American campaign specifically against unfriendly Muslim governments. For instance, a May 2004 Pew survey showed that 53% of Jordanians and 51% of Pakistanis believe the real purpose of the war on terror is to target unfriendly Muslims governments and groups.

And of course, widespread opposition to the war in Iraq has intensified anti-American sentiments among Muslim publics. Our 2006 poll showed that majorities in Jordan, Turkey, Egypt, Indonesia, and Pakistan believe the war has made the world a more dangerous place.

All of this has created a situation in which anger at the U.S. is pervasive throughout much of the Muslim world. Overwhelming majorities in countries such as Egypt, Indonesia, Jordan, Pakistan, and Turkey continue to dislike the United States. And dishearteningly, America’s most visible enemy, Osama bin Laden, is viewed favorably by a significant number of people in many places, including nations such as Pakistan and Jordan that are key partners in America’s efforts to combat al Qaeda and similar terrorist groups – the 2006 Pew poll indicated that 38% of Pakistanis and 24% of Jordanians have a lot or some confidence in bin Laden to do the right thing in world affairs.

The 2005 Pew poll found that many in Muslim countries believe suicide attacks against Americans and other Westerners in Iraq are justifiable. Just over half of Moroccans (56%) and 49% of Jordanians think such attacks are justifiable. Even in Turkey, where bin Laden is unpopular and support for terrorism is generally low, about one-in-four say suicide bombings against Americans and Westerners in Iraq can be justified.

But, as we have documented, anti-Americanism is the case in much of the world, not just Muslim countries, and certain aspects of American power and American policy are central to this. First, there is a general perception that the U.S. acts unilaterally in the international arena, failing to take into account the interests of other countries when it makes foreign policy decisions. Our polling since 2001 has shown a growing perception that the U.S. acts unilaterally, and the war in Iraq has crystallized that opinion. In 2005, only 18% of the French, 19% of the Spanish, and 21% of Russians said that the U.S. takes into account the interests of countries like theirs when making policy.

In many countries there is a consensus that the United States is doing too little to help solve the world’s problems. Americans however, disagree; in fact a plurality thinks we are doing too much. America’s image also suffers from the perception that U.S. policies contribute to the gap between rich and poor countries. In 2002, majorities or pluralities in 38 of 43 countries, including a plurality of Americans, said U.S. policies add to the rich-poor divide.

When we ask people who have an unfavorable view of the U.S. whether this is mostly because of President Bush or a more general problem with America, in most countries they have tended to say it is President Bush – but less so since his re-election, according to our 2005 poll. Clearly, President Bush and his administration’s policies have been lightning rods for U.S. criticism. At the same time, however, it is clear that this problem seems bigger than the feelings people may have about President Bush and his administration. Underlying much of the anti-Americanism we are witnessing is a broad discomfort with unrivaled American power.

Many people are resentful of American power. This came home to us well before the U.S. image plummeted in response to the war in Iraq. Shortly after the September 11th attacks we interviewed elites in 24 countries, and overwhelmingly they told us that many or most of the people in their countries were sympathetic to us over our losses, but as many said their publics “think it is good that Americans now know what it is like to be vulnerable.”

People are also suspicious of American power. In a 2004 Pew poll, majorities or pluralities in seven of the nine countries surveyed said the U.S.-led war on terrorism was not really a sincere effort to reduce international terrorism. This was true not only in Muslim countries such as Morocco and Turkey, but in France and Germany as well. The true purpose of the war on terrorism, according to these skeptics, is American control of Middle East oil and U.S. domination of the world.

There are other factors that contribute to the rise of anti-Americanism. Looking at the divide between Europe and the U.S., it is particularly stark on questions about using military force, especially preemptive force. While Americans generally prefer containment to preemption, they nonetheless are much more willing to accept preemption than are Europeans. And our 2004 poll found sharp differences over the importance of multilateral approaches to the use of force – while majorities in Britain, France, and Germany think that when countries are faced with an international threat they should first get UN approval before using military force, a plurality of Americans disagree. Overall, Americans are more likely than Europeans to regard military action as a legitimate means of achieving international justice.

Our polling also indicates that in much of the world there is a rejection of “Americanization” – the wide diffusion of American ideas and customs fueled by globalization. On the one hand we find admiration for our science and technology and eager consumers of our popular culture, but on the other global complaints about Americanization. In 2002, majorities or pluralities in 35 of 42 nations said the spread of American ideas and customs to their countries was a bad thing. As we repeat these questions in coming months, I have little doubt that we will find a similar love-hate view of American exports.

In seeking to understand anti-Americanism, many commentators have emphasized differences between the U.S. and other countries over basic values, particularly the “values gap” between the U.S. and Europe. And it is true that Americans are different. We are more individualistic and we feel a stronger sense of personal empowerment than people in most countries. We are more likely to resist government efforts to restrict personal freedom. Consistent with our history as an immigrant nation, we have more positive attitudes about immigration than do citizens in much of the developed world. And our religiosity sets us apart – the U.S. is by far the most religious rich country in the world.

At the same time, compared to Europeans, we are more suspicious of the power of government, more nationalistic, much less supportive of a social safety net and less willing to sacrifice to improve the environment.

However, the values gap is no greater now than it was in the early 1990s when the U.S. was broadly popular. And while global publics acknowledge value differences with Americans, Europeans say their real problem with the U.S. is policy, not conflicting philosophical or ideological beliefs about politics and society.

I believe the true significance of the values gap is that it exacerbates policy differences. For instance, European reactions to President Bush’s “Axis of Evil” State of the Union speech in 2002 revealed serious foreign policy differences with the United States – differences that were intensified by a general unease among secular Europeans with the speech’s rhetorical mixture of political and religious themes.

With regard to Europe, there are few signs that Europeans want the kind of close relationship they once had with the U.S. Our 2005 survey found that the Spanish, British, Dutch, Germans, and French all wanted Europe to take a more independent approach from the U.S. on security and diplomatic affairs. And while the 2006 poll found strong agreement between Americans and Europeans about common threats such as Iran and Hamas, these shared concerns are not translating into greater trust in America among Europeans. Strikingly, China now has a better image than the U.S. in most of the European nations we surveyed last year.

Conclusion: A Difficult Global Environment, But Some Hopeful Signs

Our surveys have brought home to Americans and their leaders the challenges the United States faces in restoring our country’s image and its influence overseas. The U.S. continues to meet with widespread antipathy in many parts of the world, and in particular it faces strong and growing opposition to key aspects of its foreign policy. Nonetheless, our polling has also uncovered some hopeful signs, even in Muslim countries where the U.S. faces some of its most daunting challenges.

One frequently cited example of the U.S. turning around its image in a difficult environment is Indonesia, where U.S. humanitarian assistance following the horrific December 2004 tsunami helped improve America’s image in the world’s largest Muslim country. Prior to the tsunami, favorable attitudes toward the U.S. had plummeted in reaction to the Iraq war, however after the tragedy and the influx of American aid favorable views of the U.S. more than doubled, jumping from 15% to 38%. Recently, we have seen a similar, although more limited, pattern in Pakistan where American aid following the October 2005 earthquake helped drive favorable opinions of the U.S. up slightly, from 23% in 2005 to 27% in 2006.

Of course, the impact of this humanitarian assistance should not be overstated – most of the same misgivings about America seen throughout the Muslim world can be found in Indonesia and Pakistan, and solid majorities in both countries continue to have a negative impression of the U.S. Nonetheless, these examples suggest that American policies can make a difference. Indeed, given the magnitude of negative attitudes towards the U.S. in the Muslim world and elsewhere, America’s image will only improve significantly if there are more positive international reactions to major American policies.

The real issue is the restoration of trust. The challenge is how to reverse the impact of images of Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo that now shape the views of young people all around the world, as favorable depictions of America as defender of freedom in the 20th century did then.