by Richard Wike, Associate Director, Pew Global Attitudes Project

Special to Foreign Policy

Anti-Americanism in the Muslim world, an issue that was front and center throughout much of the George W. Bush era, is squarely back in the news following the protests that swept across more than 20 countries in reaction to a controversial anti-Islam film. The all-too-familiar images of angry demonstrators burning the Stars and Stripes are a dramatic reminder that, while the image of the United States has improved throughout many parts of the world during Barack Obama’s presidency, negative views of America remain stubbornly persistent in key Muslim countries. Much of this animosity is due to continuing concerns about U.S. power and widespread opposition to major elements of American foreign policy. But it’s not just about the United States — rather, anti-Americanism needs to be seen within a broader context of distrust between Muslims and the West.

Following his election, Obama made it a priority to change America’s dismal image in the Muslim world, most prominently in his June 2009 Cairo speech. And he has had some successes; in fact, Muslim publics still generally give him more positive ratings than Bush received. For instance, in a spring 2012 survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, only 24 percent of Turks express confidence in Obama; still, that’s a whole lot better than the 2 percent who felt this way about Bush during his final year in office. Also, due in part to having lived there for a few years as a child, Obama has consistently received high marks in Indonesia, and his popularity has helped turn around America’s image in the world’s most populous Muslim nation.

But overall, the picture remains grim. In Egypt, for example, despite all the tumult of the revolution, America’s image remains roughly where it was four years ago — then 22 percent expressed a favorable opinion of the United States; in the 2012 poll, it was 19 percent. Among Pakistanis and Jordanians, America’s already poor ratings have declined further since 2008 — in both countries, 19 percent held a positive view of the U.S. four years ago, compared with just 12 percent in 2012.

Read the full commentary at Foreign Policy

More than a year after the first stirrings of the Arab Spring, there continues to be a strong desire for democracy in Arab and other predominantly Muslim nations. Solid majorities in Lebanon, Turkey, Egypt, Tunisia and Jordan believe democracy is the best form of government, as do a plurality of Pakistanis.

Indeed, these publics do not just support the general notion of democracy – they also embrace specific features of a democratic system, such as competitive elections and free speech.

A substantial number in key Muslim countries want a large role for Islam in political life. However, there are significant differences over the degree to which the legal system should be based on Islam.

The United States is not seen as promoting democracy in the Middle East. In newly democratic Tunisia, only about three-in-ten believe the American response to the political upheaval in their country has had a positive impact.

Despite the tumult and uncertainty of the last year, views about democracy are mostly unchanged since 2011, although support has declined somewhat in Jordan. Enthusiasm for democracy tends to be generally less intense in Jordan and in Pakistan. It is consistently strong in Lebanon and Turkey.

While democratic rights and institutions are popular, they are clearly not the only priorities in the six Muslim majority nations surveyed. In particular, the economy is a top concern. And if they had to choose, most Jordanians, Tunisians and Pakistanis would rather have a strong economy than a good democracy. Turks and Lebanese, on the other hand, would prefer democracy. Egyptians are divided.

There is also a strong desire for Islam to play a major role in the public life of these nations, and most want Islam to have at least some influence on their country’s laws. Majorities in Pakistan, Jordan and Egypt believe laws should strictly follow the teachings of the Quran, while most Tunisians and a 44%-plurality of Turks want laws to be influenced by the values and principles of Islam, but not strictly follow the Quran.

About four-in-ten Lebanese say laws should not be influenced at all by the teachings of the Quran, although on this issue – as on many issues – views vary sharply along religious and sectarian lines. While 63% of Lebanese Christians and 38% of Sunni Muslims say laws should not be guided by the Quran, just 13% of Shia Muslims agree.

Just as opinions about religion and politics vary across these six nations, so do views about gender equality. Majorities in all six believe women should have equal rights as men, and more than eight-in-ten hold this view in Lebanon and Turkey. However, in Egypt – where the role of women in society has been a heavily debated issue throughout the post-Mubarak transition period – a slimmer 58%-majority favors equal rights, while 36% oppose the idea. Only 53% of Egyptian men endorse equal rights.

Moreover, while many support the general principle of gender equality, there is less enthusiasm for gender parity in politics, economics, and family life. For instance, many believe men make better political leaders, that men should have more of a right to a job than women when jobs are scarce, and that families should help choose a woman’s husband.

These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted in six predominantly Muslim nations March 19 to April 20.¹ The poll, which is part of the broader 21-nation spring 2012 Global Attitudes survey, found considerable optimism – at least among Arab publics – about the prospects for democracy in the region. Solid majorities in Egypt, Tunisia, Jordan and Lebanon said the 2011 popular uprising would lead to more democracy in the Middle East. Turks and Pakistanis, on the other hand, were less hopeful.

This report includes a special section on Tunisian public opinion (see Part II). In the nation where the Arab Spring began, large majorities say they are dissatisfied with the country’s direction and its economic situation. While Tunisians embrace their country’s nascent democracy, they are divided over whether things in their country have actually gotten better since long-running dictator President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali was forced from office. Still, most are hopeful about Tunisia’s future and optimistic that the economy will improve in the next 12 months. And despite the dissatisfaction with current conditions, the ruling Islamist party Ennahda receives positive marks from 65% of Tunisians.

Both Democracy and Economy Are Priorities

Majorities in five of the six nations polled (and a plurality of Pakistanis) believe democracy is the best form of government. Moreover, there is a strong desire in these nations for specific democratic rights and institutions, such as competitive multi-party elections and freedom of speech.

Other goals are also clearly important. Many say political stability is a crucial priority, and even more prioritize economic prosperity. When respondents are asked which is more important, a good democracy or a strong economy, Turkey and Lebanon are the only countries where more than half choose democracy. Egyptians are divided, while most Tunisians, Pakistanis and Jordanians prioritize the economy.

Overall, views about the economic situation in these countries are grim, although Turkey is a notable exception. Nearly six-in-ten Turks (57%) say their country’s economy is in good shape, but at least seven-in-ten in Pakistan, Lebanon, Tunisia, Egypt and Jordan offer negative assessments.

A Major Role for Islam in Public Life

In five of six nations, solid majorities say Islam is already playing a large role in the country’s political life. In newly democratic Tunisia, where the Islamist party Ennahda won the largest share of votes in the recent parliamentary elections, fully 84% think Islam has a major role.

Similarly, in Egypt, where the Muslim Brotherhood has won both parliamentary and presidential elections, 66% hold this view, up from 47% two years ago.

The view that Islam plays a large role in political life has also become more prevalent in Pakistan over the last two years. Meanwhile, more than six-in-ten in Turkey and Lebanon believe Islam is a major part of political life in their countries. This view is especially pervasive among Lebanese Christians – 75% think Islam has a major role.

The clear exception on this issue is Jordan. Only 31% of Jordanians believe Islam currently plays a large part in their nation’s political life, while 63% say it has a small role. Among the majority of Jordanians who say Islam is playing a small role, 80% say it is a bad thing that Islam has only a minor part in the country’s politics.

Support for Gender Equality – but Not in All Circumstances

While majorities in all six countries support the principle of gender equality, there are significant differences between men and women on this issue. The most striking gender gap is in Jordan, where 82% of women but just 44% of men say women should have the same rights as men.

Moreover, while there is majority support for the idea of gender equality, this does not necessarily apply to specific aspects of public and private life. For instance, at least half in Tunisia, Pakistan, Turkey and Jordan say men make better political leaders. When it comes to economics, most say women should be able to work outside the home, but most also believe that when jobs are scarce, jobs for men should be the first priority. And in the personal realm, many of those surveyed believe a woman’s family should help choose her husband, rather than the woman herself – indeed, in Pakistan and Jordan this is the majority view.

Limited Support for Extremist Groups

Extremist groups are largely rejected in predominantly Muslim nations, although significant numbers do express support for radical groups in several countries. For instance, while there is no country in which a majority holds a favorable opinion of the Palestinian organization Hamas, it receives considerable support in Tunisia, Jordan and Egypt.

The militant Lebanese Shia group Hezbollah receives its highest overall ratings in Tunisia, where nearly half express a positive opinion. Sizable minorities in both Jordan and Egypt also have a favorable view, but Hezbollah’s image has been declining in both countries in recent years. In its home country, views about Hezbollah are sharply divided along sectarian lines: 94% of Shia, 33% of Christians, and 5% of Sunnis give the group favorable marks.

Across all six nations, less than 20% have a positive opinion about al Qaeda or the Taliban. In Turkey and Lebanon, support for these groups is in the single digits. However, fully 19% of Egyptians rate these extremist organizations favorably.

Turkey and Erdogan Popular

Turkey, which has significantly increased its diplomatic profile in recent years, particularly in the Middle East, is held in high regard in the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed. Solid majorities in all six nations express a favorable opinion of Turkey. Moreover, its leader, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan of the moderate Islamist party AKP, also receives largely positive reviews.

Most of those surveyed believe Turkey favors democracy in the Middle East, including roughly three-in-four in the newly democratic nations of Egypt and Tunisia. Fewer say this about Saudi Arabia, although more than half in Egypt, Jordan and Pakistan think the oil-rich kingdom does support democracy in the region.

Yet, relatively few believe the United States wants democracy in the Middle East, including just 37% in Egypt, a major recipient of American democracy promotion funds in recent years. Exceedingly few think Israel favors democracy in the Middle East – just 10% or less in all six nations hold this view.

Tunisians Unhappy With State of Country, but Still Hopeful

Nearly eight-in-ten Tunisians (78%) are dissatisfied with the way things are going in their country and a similar number (83%) describe current economic conditions as bad. And the country is split over whether it is better off now that Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali is no long in power.

However, Tunisians show few signs of wanting a return to autocracy. A majority says a democratic government is preferable, even if that means some risk of instability, and large majorities deem rights and institutions such as a fair judiciary, honest elections, and free speech very important.

And while they are glum about current conditions, they are hopeful about the future. Two-thirds (66%) are optimistic about Tunisia’s future, and 75% think the country’s economy will improve in the next 12 months.

The ruling Ennahda party gets largely positive reviews – 65% have a favorable opinion of the Islamist organization, which was banned from politics during the Ben Ali era. Two Ennahda leaders, party co-founder Rached Ghannouchi and current Prime Minister Hamadi Jebali, are viewed favorably by about two-in-three Tunisians.

The U.S. receives mixed reviews in Tunisia. Overall, 45% have a favorable and 45% an unfavorable view of the U.S. However, President Barack Obama gets mostly poor marks – 57% say they have little or no confidence that Obama will do the right thing in world affairs. And there is no consensus among Tunisians about how the U.S. has handled the political changes taking place in their country – 31% believe the American response has had a positive effect, 27% say it has been negative, and 25% volunteer that the U.S. has had no impact.

Also of Note

• While few in Tunisia and Egypt describe the current economy as good, there is optimism about the future – 75% of Tunisians and 50% of Egyptians believe the economy will improve in the next 12 months.
• On balance, opinions about Iran are negative, although Pakistan is a clear exception – 76% of Pakistanis have a favorable view of Iran, and 47% rate President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad positively.
• Syrian President Bashar al-Assad generally receives very negative ratings across the nations included in the survey (For more on views about Syria and President Bashar al-Assad, see “Widespread Condemnation for Assad in Neighboring Countries,” released June 21, 2012).

Few express positive views of extremist groups Hamas and Hezbollah. Still, both groups have substantial minority support in several countries. Al Qaeda and the Taliban, on the other hand, are viewed negatively by majorities in all the nations polled.

Worries About Extremism Remain Steady

Majorities in Lebanon, Egypt, Tunisia and Pakistan are concerned about Islamic extremism in their countries. Concern is particularly high in Lebanon, where roughly eight-in-ten (81%) voice a worry about extremism. In Jordan, opinion is divided, while in Turkey only about a third (32%) are concerned about the threat.

In five of the six predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, concern about extremism is essentially unchanged since last year. Turkey is the lone exception. In 2011, just months after an October 2010 suicide bombing in the center of Istanbul, concern about Islamic extremism was at 52%. Today, that number has fallen 20 percentage points and is at its lowest point since the question was first asked in 2006.

In Turkey, men are slightly more worried about Islamic extremism than women (27%), while in Pakistan women are much more concerned. Roughly seven-in-ten Pakistani women (71%) are very or somewhat concerned, while only 46% of men say the same.

Hamas Viewed Unfavorably By Most

In four of the six predominantly Muslim countries polled, publics express an unfavorable view of Hamas. In Tunisia, half express a favorable view of the militant Palestinian organization, while in Pakistan, nearly three-in-four (73%) offer no opinion.

Despite Hamas being a Sunni organization, roughly six-in-ten Lebanese Shia (58%) hold a favorable view of Hamas, but only 28% of Sunnis and 14% of Christians do.

Support for Hamas has held generally steady over the past year, with only a slight decline in Egypt (-6 percentage points). However, support for the extremist group is down substantially in Pakistan and Jordan since 2007.

Religiosity plays a role in views of Hamas in Egypt, where 54% of Muslims who pray less than five times per day have a favorable opinion of the Palestinian organization, compared with only 32% who pray five times per day.

Limited Support for Hezbollah

Ratings of Hezbollah are generally negative, with majorities in Egypt, Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon holding an unfavorable view of the Shia group. In Tunisia, a 46%-plurality has a favorable view of the Lebanon-based organization, while 74% in Pakistan have no opinion.

Lebanese views of Hezbollah are sharply divided among religious groups, with 94% of Shia expressing favorable views of the militant group, compared with only one-third of Christians and 5% of Sunnis.

Over the last five years, positive views of Hezbollah have declined substantially in Egypt (-36 percentage points) and Jordan (-25) to their lowest levels measured since the question was first asked in 2007.

Favorable views of the militant group have also fallen in Pakistan (-28), although the number of people having no opinion has gone up by a similar amount in that country over this time period.

Views of al Qaeda

Majorities in all the predominantly Muslim nations polled express negative views of al Qaeda, including more than seven-in-ten in Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Turkey.

In Tunisia, only 16% have a favorable view of the terrorist organization, with roughly six-in-ten (63%) holding a negative opinion.

Support for al Qaeda is mostly unchanged from last year. In Jordan, however, just 14% express a positive opinion today, down significantly from 34% in 2010.

(For more on Muslim views about al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden, see “On Anniversary of bin Laden’s Death, Little Backing of al Qaeda,” released April 30, 2012).

Overwhelming Disdain for the Taliban

Less than two-in-ten in all Muslim countries polled have a favorable view of the Taliban, with majorities in every country holding an unfavorable view. Negative opinions of the Taliban are especially high in Lebanon (97% unfavorable), Jordan (81%), and Egypt (76%).

This distaste for the extremist Islamist organization is evident across age, gender and educational groups in each of the countries surveyed.

(For more on Pakistani views of the Taliban see, “Pakistani Public Opinion Ever More Critical of U.S.,” released June 27, 2012.)

Overall, the Taliban are seen as more of a threat than al Qaeda. Neither organization is viewed favorably by Pakistanis. The same holds true for groups affiliated with the Taliban, such as Tehrik-i-Taliban and the Afghan Taliban. Slightly more express a favorable opinion of Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Pakistani extremist organization that is active in Kashmir, but this group, too, is viewed negatively on balance.

Concerns about the threat posed by al Qaeda and the Taliban are especially evident in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, which has been subject to considerable violence and disruption due to extremist groups and the international hunt for their leaders.

The Extremist Threat

A 58%-majority of Pakistanis say they are very or somewhat concerned about Islamic extremism in their country, only a slight drop from last year’s 63%. But it is a dramatic downward shift from 2009, when nearly eight-in-ten Pakistanis (79%) expressed worries about Islamic extremism.

Roughly half of Pakistanis (52%), meanwhile, say they are very or somewhat worried about the possible takeover of their country by extremist groups. Fears of such an event have remained fairly constant over the past two years, but were more widespread in 2009 when 69% said they were concerned about extremists possibly seizing control of Pakistan.

When asked about the threat posed by specific groups, nearly six-in-ten (58%) describe the Taliban as a serious or somewhat serious threat to Pakistan, compared with only 47% who say the same about al Qaeda.

In general, concerns about Islamic extremism tend to be more pronounced among women than men. Roughly seven-in-ten Pakistani women (71%) say they are concerned about extremism, while 62% say they are worried about extremist groups possibly taking control of the country. Fewer than half of Pakistani men say they are worried about extremism (46%) in general or a possible takeover of the state (42%).

Regionally, residents of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are much more concerned than those living elsewhere in Pakistan about the risk posed by al Qaeda and the Taliban. More than nine-in-ten (94%) in this province on the frontier with Afghanistan see the Taliban as a serious threat, while three-quarters say the same about al Qaeda. Elsewhere in Pakistan, only in Sindh province do more than six-in-ten (64%) share the view that the Taliban is a serious threat.

Less Support for Fighting Extremists

Support for using the Pakistani military to fight extremist groups has declined notably over the last three years. Today, just 32% favor deploying the army to battle extremists in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, compared with 53% in 2009.

Opposition to using the army to fight extremist organizations is especially high in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (54% oppose) and Baluchistan (50%), as well as among those who identify with the Tehreek-e-Insaf party (51%).

Militant Groups Largely Unpopular

Militant groups such as al Qaeda and the Taliban have limited appeal among Pakistanis. Relatively few Pakistanis express a positive view of either al Qaeda (13%) or the Taliban (13%). Majorities view both groups unfavorably (55% and 66%, respectively). And in both cases, opinion has been consistently negative since 2009. In 2008, pluralities expressed no opinion about these groups.

Attitudes toward groups affiliated with the Taliban fare no better in the eyes of the Pakistani public. Tehrik-i-Taliban, an umbrella organization of Taliban-linked groups in Pakistan, and the Afghan Taliban are viewed positively by only 17% and 14% of Pakistanis, respectively. Roughly half have negative opinions of both groups (52% and 45%, respectively).

The Haqqani network, which is also associated with the Taliban movement, is viewed favorably by only 5% of Pakistanis. Roughly three-in-ten (31%) express a negative opinion of the group, while fully 64% do not have a definite opinion.

Attitudes toward Lashkar-e-Taiba are somewhat more positive: 22% say they have a favorable opinion of this militant group, while 37% hold the opposite view and 41% do not have an opinion either way.

In general, favorable attitudes toward these different militant groups do not vary significantly across regions. However, unfavorable opinion tends to be especially widespread in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. In the case of al Qaeda, the Taliban, Tehrik-i-Taliban, the Afghan Taliban and Lashkar-e-Taiba, residents of this frontier region are substantially more negative (10 to 27 percentage points) in their views than Pakistanis in other provinces. This may reflect the fact that a number of these militant groups have sought refuge in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, bringing increased violence to the region.

More religious Pakistanis – defined as those who pray five times a day – also tend to be more unfavorable in their attitudes toward militant groups. For example, religiously observant Pakistanis are eight to 14 percentage points more negative in their assessment of groups such as al Qaeda, the Taliban and Lashkar-e-Taiba, than those who are less observant.

Following a year of tensions between their country and the United States, Pakistanis continue to hold highly unfavorable views of the U.S. and offer bleak assessments of the relationship between the two nations.

Roughly three-in-four Pakistanis (74%) consider the U.S. an enemy, up from 69% last year and 64% three years ago. And President Obama is held in exceedingly low regard. Indeed, among the 15 nations surveyed in both 2008 and 2012 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project, Pakistan is the only country where ratings for Obama are no better than the ratings President George W. Bush received during his final year in office (for more, see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).

Only 13% of Pakistanis think relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years, down 16 percentage points from 2011. Strengthening the bilateral relationship is also becoming less of a priority for Pakistanis. While 45% still say it is important to improve relations with the U.S., this is down from 60% last year.

Moreover, roughly four-in-ten believe that American economic and military aid is actually having a negative impact on their country, while only about one-in-ten think the impact is positive.

Additionally, over the last few years, Pakistanis have become less willing to work with the U.S. on efforts to combat extremist groups. While 50% still want the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremists operate, this is down from 72% in 2009. Similarly, fewer Pakistanis now want intelligence and logistical support from the U.S. than they did three years ago. And only 17% back American drone strikes against leaders of extremist groups, even if they are conducted in conjunction with the Pakistani government.

Since 2009, the Pakistani public has also become less willing to use its own military to combat extremist groups. Three years ago, 53% favored using the army to fight extremists in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and neighboring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but today just 32% hold this view.

Overall, concerns about extremism have ebbed since 2009, when the Pakistan military was battling Taliban-affiliated groups in the Swat Valley area near Islamabad. Then, fully 69% were concerned that extremists might take control of Pakistan, compared with 52% today.

While concerns about extremism may have decreased, extremist organizations remain largely unpopular. Majorities, for example, express a negative opinion of both al Qaeda and the Taliban, as has been the case since 2009. In 2008 – before the peak of the Swat Valley conflict – pluralities expressed no opinion about these organizations.

When Pakistanis are asked more specifically about the Afghan Taliban and Tehrik-i-Taliban (also known as the TTP or Pakistan Taliban), opinions are again, on balance, negative, as they were in both 2010 and 2011.

Views are somewhat more mixed, however, regarding Lashkar-e-Taiba, a radical group active in Kashmir and widely blamed for the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Roughly one-in-five Pakistanis (22%) have a favorable view of Lashkar-e-Taiba, while 37% give it a negative rating and 41% offer no opinion.

Meanwhile, a solid majority (64%) offers no opinion about the Haqqani network, a group associated with the Taliban that is active on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, but is largely believed to be based in the FATA region of Pakistan.

Respondents in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province consistently express more negative views about extremist groups than those in other provinces. Al Qaeda, the Taliban, Tehrik-i-Taliban, the Afghan Taliban and Lashkar-e-Taiba all receive especially poor ratings in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistanis who pray five times per day are also more likely than those who pray less often to offer negative views of extremist groups.

These are among the key findings from a survey of Pakistan by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 1,206 respondents between March 28 and April 13. The sample covers approximately 82% of the Pakistani population.¹ The poll in Pakistan is part of the larger 21-nation spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey. Throughout the report, unless otherwise noted, trends from 2011 refer to a survey conducted in Pakistan from May 8-15, 2011, following the May 2, 2011 U.S. military raid that killed Osama bin Laden.² The May 2011 survey showed that, with a few exceptions, the killing of bin Laden had little impact on America’s already low ratings in Pakistan. The current poll reveals that, in some key areas, Pakistani views of the relationship between the two countries have become even more negative in the year since the Abbottabad raid.

High Marks for Khan, Low Ratings for Zardari, Gilani

Pakistanis continue to express considerable discontent with conditions in their own country. About nine-in-ten (87%) are dissatisfied with the country’s direction, barely changed from last year’s 92%. Similarly, 89% describe the national economic situation as bad; 85% held this view in 2011. And overwhelming majorities rate unemployment, crime, terrorism, and corruption as very big problems.

The dismal public mood is reflected in poor ratings for the leaders of the incumbent Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), President Asif Ali Zardari and former Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani. Only 14% view Zardari favorably, little changed from last year, but down significantly from 64% in 2008. Gilani, who was recently convicted of contempt and dismissed from office by Pakistan’s highest court, fares only somewhat better, at 36% favorable. Gilani received similarly poor ratings last year, although as recently as 2010 a majority of Pakistanis expressed a favorable view of him.

The most popular leader included on the survey is Imran Khan. Seven-in-ten Pakistanis offer a favorable opinion of the former cricket star and leader of the Pakistani Tehreek-e-Insaf party (PTI). This is essentially unchanged from last year, but up significantly from 2010.

Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is also generally well-regarded – about six-in-ten offer a positive view of the leader of the country’s main opposition party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Sharif has consistently received high marks in recent years, although his ratings are down somewhat from the 79% registered in 2009.

Slightly more than half rate Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry favorably. Ratings for both the army chief and the chief justice have slipped slightly since 2010. Former President (and military chief) Pervez Musharraf, who has occasionally suggested he may return to Pakistani politics, receives relatively poor ratings.

Meanwhile, the military continues to receive overwhelmingly positive marks from the Pakistani public – 77% say the institution is having a good influence on the country. Roughly six-in-ten (58%) also say this about the court system.

Negative Views of India

Only 22% of Pakistanis have a favorable view of traditional rival India, although this is actually a slight improvement from 14% last year. Moreover, when asked which is the biggest threat to their country, India, the Taliban, or al Qaeda, 59% name India.

Pakistanis have consistently identified India as the top threat since the question was first asked in 2009. The percentage fearing India has increased by 11 points since then, while the percentage naming the Taliban has decreased by nine points.

Despite these negative sentiments, 62% of Pakistanis say it is important to improve relations with India. And roughly two-thirds support more bilateral trade and further talks to try to reduce tensions between the two nations.

Most Indians also want better relations, more trade, and further talks between the two nations. Still, Indian attitudes toward Pakistan remain largely negative. Roughly six-in-ten Indians (59%) express an unfavorable opinion of Pakistan, although this is down slightly from 65% in 2011.

India is not the only country, however, where negative views of Pakistan prevail. Majorities or pluralities give Pakistan a negative rating in six of the seven other countries where this question was asked, including China, Japan, and three predominantly Muslim nations – Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia.

Also of Note

• A 43%-plurality of Pakistanis expect the economy to get worse over the next 12 months, while just 26% think it will improve. Still, there is more optimism than in 2011, when 60% said the country’s economic situation would worsen in the coming year.
• China continues to receive high marks in Pakistan. Nine-in-ten Pakistanis consider China a partner; only 2% say it is more of an enemy.
• Pakistanis and Indians agree that Kashmir should be a priority for their countries. Roughly eight-in-ten Pakistanis and about six-in-ten Indians say it is very important to resolve the dispute over Kashmir.
• Those who identify with Imran Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf party are especially likely to oppose American involvement in the battle against extremist groups in Pakistan, including American aid to areas where extremists operate and intelligence and logistical support to the Pakistani army.

Muslim and Western publics continue to see relations between them as generally bad, with both sides holding negative stereotypes of the other. Many in the West see Muslims as fanatical and violent, while few say Muslims are tolerant or respectful of women. Meanwhile, Muslims in the Middle East and Asia generally see Westerners as selfish, immoral and greedy – as well as violent and fanatical.

However, the latest Pew Global Attitudes survey finds somewhat of a thaw in the U.S. and Europe compared with five years ago. A greater percentage of Western publics now see relations between themselves and Muslims as generally good compared with 2006.

In contrast, Muslims in predominantly Muslim nations are as inclined to say relations are generally bad as they were five years ago. And, as in the past, Muslims express more unfavorable opinions about Christians than Americans or Europeans express about Muslims.

For the most part, Muslims and Westerners finger point about the causes of problems in their relations, and about which side holds the high ground on key issues. Muslims in the Middle East and elsewhere who say relations with the West are bad overwhelmingly blame the West. However, while Americans and Europeans tend to blame Muslims for bad relations, significant numbers believe Westerners are responsible.

One note of agreement between Westerners and Muslims is that both believe Muslim nations should be more economically prosperous than they are today. But they gauge the problem quite differently. Muslim publics have an aggrieved view of the West – they blame Western policies for their own lack of prosperity. Across the Muslim publics surveyed, a median of 53% say U.S. and Western policies are one of the top two reasons why Muslim nations are not wealthier.

In contrast, few Americans or Western Europeans think the economic challenges facing Muslim countries are a result of Western policies. And although Westerners have become less likely over the last five years to say Islamic fundamentalism is a chief cause of economic problems in Muslim nations, they remain much more likely than Muslims to hold this view.

Still, even on this issue there is some consensus. Both Muslims and Westerners believe corrupt governments and inadequate education in Muslim nations are at least partly responsible for the lack of prosperity. And perhaps reflecting the Arab Spring, in several Muslim and Western nations, people are more likely than they were five years ago to say the dearth of prosperity stems from a lack of democracy.

These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted March 21 to May 15.¹ The survey updates a number of trend questions from a 2006 Pew Global Attitudes poll that explored how Muslim and Western publics view one another. The current survey finds that five years later – and nearly 10 years after the attacks of September 11, 2001 – tensions remain high, although there are also some shared concerns.

For instance, both Muslims and Westerners are concerned about Islamic extremism. More than two-thirds in Russia, Germany, Britain, the U.S. and France are worried about Islamic extremists in their country. Fully 77% of Israelis also hold this view.

But extremism is considered a threat in predominantly Muslim nations as well. More than seven-in-ten Palestinian and Lebanese Muslims are worried about Islamic extremists in their countries, as are most Muslims in Egypt, Pakistan, and Turkey. For Muslims, the most common concern about extremism is that it is violent, although in both Egypt and the Palestinian territories the top fear is that extremism could divide the country.

How Muslims, Christians and Jews See Each Other

In four of the six largely Christian nations included in the study, most say they have a positive opinion of Muslims. The exceptions are Germany (45% favorable) and Spain (37%), although views toward Muslims have improved in both countries since 2006.

Also, solid majorities in Western countries have a favorable opinion of Jews. In Spain, 59% now hold this view, up 14 percentage points from 2006.

Muslim views toward Christians vary considerably across countries. In Lebanon, which has a large Christian population, nearly all Muslims (96%) express a positive view of Christians. Narrow majorities of Jordanian (57%) and Indonesian (52%) Muslims also give Christians a favorable rating, while in Egypt – which has recently experienced violence between elements of its Muslim and Christian communities – views are divided (48% favorable; 47% unfavorable).

Meanwhile, very few Muslims in Pakistan (16%) or Turkey (6%) have a positive opinion of Christians.

Ratings for Jews are uniformly low in the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed – in all seven of these nations, less than 10% have a positive opinion of Jews. Indeed, outside of Indonesia, less than 5% offer a positive opinion.

Among Israel’s minority Muslim community, however, views are divided: 48% express a positive opinion of Jews, while 49% offer a negative opinion. In contrast, only 9% of Israeli Jews have a positive view of Muslims. Christians receive somewhat higher ratings among Israeli Muslims (67% favorable) than among Israeli Jews (51%).

Characteristics and Stereotypes

Muslims associate a number of negative traits with Westerners. Across the Muslim publics surveyed, the median percentages saying people in Western countries such as the U.S. and Europe are selfish, violent, greedy, immoral, arrogant and fanatical exceed 50%. By contrast, the median percentages of those who say that Westerners are respectful of women, honest, tolerant or generous range below 50%.

Since 2006, Indonesian Muslims have become more likely to associate positive traits with Westerners, but in Pakistan attitudes have moved in the opposite direction – the percentage of Pakistani Muslims saying that Westerners are greedy, immoral, selfish and fanatical has increased by double-digits over the last five years.

Non-Muslims in Western Europe, the U.S. and Russia offer somewhat more positive assessments of Muslims than Muslims do of Westerners. Relatively few, for example, say Muslims are greedy or immoral. However, a median of 58% label Muslims as fanatical and a median of 50% believe Muslims are violent. And few think Muslims are respectful of women.

National vs. Religious Identity

Across the nations surveyed, Christians and Muslims differ in the degree to which religion defines their identity. Among most of the Muslim publics polled, Muslims tend to identify with their religion, rather than their nationality. This is particularly true in Pakistan, where 94% think of themselves primarily as Muslim instead of Pakistani.

Lebanon and the Palestinian territories are exceptions to this pattern, however – more Muslims in both countries identify first with their nationality rather than with their religion. And many Muslims refuse to choose between nation and religion, volunteering that they identify with both.

Throughout Europe, most Christians think of themselves primarily in terms of their national identity. Fully 90% of French Christians take this view. The clear exception is the U.S., where Christians are divided: 46% primarily identify as American and 46% as Christian. Seven-in-ten white evangelical Christians in the U.S. identify first with their religion.

Both of the major religious communities in Israel identify primarily with their religion. Nearly six-in-ten (57%) Jews identify first as Jews, while among the country’s Muslim community 77% think of themselves first as Muslims.

Opinions About September 11

Nearly a decade after September 11, 2001, skepticism about the events of that day persists among Muslim publics. When asked whether they think groups of Arabs carried out the 9/11 attacks on the U.S., most Muslims in the nations surveyed say they do not believe this.

There is no Muslim public in which even 30% accept that Arabs conducted the attacks. Indeed, Muslims in Jordan, Egypt, and Turkey are less likely to accept this today than in 2006.

Also of Note

• There is a widespread perception that Muslims living in the West do not want to assimilate.  Majorities in Europe and the U.S. think Muslims wish to remain distinct from the rest of society, instead of embracing the way of life in Western nations.  More than two-thirds in Germany and Spain believe Muslims do not want to adopt national customs.
• Among Muslim publics, many believe that Americans and Europeans are hostile toward Muslims.  In fact, in Turkey, Pakistan, Egypt, and Jordan, the belief that Americans and Europeans are hostile has become more common since 2006.
• In Western nations, those who believe some religions are more prone to violence than others tend to say Islam is the most violent faith (when asked to choose among Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Hinduism).  Muslim publics who think some religions are especially prone to violence tend to name Judaism.
• Concerns about Islamic extremism have declined significantly in Jordan over the last five years.  Currently, 47% of Jordanian Muslims are worried about extremism, down from 69% in a spring 2006 poll conducted just months after the November 2005 bombing of three Amman hotels.
• Lebanese Muslims are consistently the least likely to assign negative characteristics to Westerners – less than half think Westerners are selfish, violent, greedy, immoral, arrogant, or fanatical.
• There is an education gap on views about Muslim assimilation – in Western Europe and the U.S., those who do not have a college degree are more likely than those who do to believe that Muslims want to remain distinct from the broader society.

When asked whether they associate a series of four positive and six negative traits with people in Western countries, majorities or pluralities among nearly every Muslim public surveyed say Westerners are violent, greedy, fanatical, selfish, immoral and arrogant; far fewer associate positive traits such as generosity, honesty, tolerance and respect toward women with people in Western countries.

Non-Muslims in the U.S., Russia and Western Europe offer somewhat more positive views of Muslims than Muslims do of Westerners; for example, majorities or pluralities in five of the six countries say Muslims are honest, and non-Muslims in Britain, France and Germany also say Muslims are generous. Yet, many attribute negative characteristics, particularly violence and fanaticism, to Muslims, and few say Muslims are tolerant or respectful of women.

Moreover, to the extent that people in Western countries say some religions are more prone to violence than others, large majorities say Islam is the most violent religion. Among Muslims who say some religions are more violent, Judaism is typically named as the worst offender.

Another notable difference between publics in many Western countries and in predominantly Muslim countries is in the way they see themselves. Christians in the four Western European countries surveyed and in Russia overwhelmingly identify first as citizens of their countries rather than as Christians; only in the U.S. do as many Christians identify primarily with their religion as identify with their nationality. In contrast, Muslims in most of the largely Muslim countries surveyed identify themselves primarily with their religion.

Mixed Views of Muslims in the West

Majorities in Britain (64%), France (64%), Russia (62%) and the U.S. (57%) express positive views of Muslims. Opinions are nearly divided in Germany, where 45% have a favorable view of Muslims and 47% offer negative ratings; in 2006, a majority (54%) of Germans had unfavorable views of Muslims, while 36% had positive opinions.

In Spain, however, attitudes toward Muslims remain negative, although more now express positive views than did so five years ago. Somewhat fewer than four-in-ten (37%) Spanish respondents have a favorable opinion, while a 55%-majority expresses unfavorable views of Muslims; in 2006, about three-in-ten (29%) had positive views and 61% had negative opinions.

Opinions about Muslims are especially negative in Israel. About one-in-five (19%) Israelis have favorable opinions, while 79% say they have an unfavorable view; among Israeli Jews, just 9% have positive views, while nine-in-ten have negative views of Muslims. In contrast, 87% of Muslims in Israel have a positive opinion of those who share their religion. Majorities among the other Muslim publics surveyed also express positive views of Muslims, although fewer Muslims in Turkey do so than was the case five years ago (72% now vs. 88% in 2006).

In France, Germany, Spain and the U.S., views of Muslims are more positive among younger respondents. For example, while most (57%) Germans younger than age 30 have favorable opinions of Muslims, 45% of those ages 30 to 49 and just 39% of those 50 and older share this view. In the U.S., majorities among those younger than 30 (69%) and those ages 30 to 49 (62%) express positive opinions of Muslims, compared with about half (48%) of older respondents. In Spain, fewer than half across age groups offer positive views, while in France, majorities in the three groups do so. But in both countries, younger respondents are more likely than older respondents to express favorable opinions.

Views of Christians Mostly Positive

Opinions about Christians remain overwhelmingly positive in the U.S., Western Europe and Russia; at least three-quarters in Spain (76%) and Germany (75%) and more than eight-in-ten in the U.S. (89%), Russia (89%), France (84%) and Britain (83%) express favorable views.

Outside of these predominantly Christian countries, views of Christian are more mixed. For example, a narrow majority (54%) of Israelis offer positive opinions of Christians, reflecting a divided opinion among Israeli Jews; 51% have a favorable view and 48% have an unfavorable opinion of Christians. Two-thirds of Muslims in Israel have a positive view of Christians.

Among the Muslim publics surveyed, those in Lebanon offer the most positive ratings of Christians; 96% express a favorable opinion of the religious group, which makes up about 40% of the Lebanese population. Majorities of Muslims in Jordan (57%) and Indonesia (52%) also rate Christians favorably; Egyptian Muslims are nearly evenly divided, with 48% offering positive views and 47% saying they have an unfavorable opinion.

In contrast, Muslims in Turkey and Pakistan offer overwhelmingly negative views of Christians. In Turkey, just 6% of Muslims have a favorable view and 82% offer negative opinions of Christians; among Pakistani Muslims, 16% have positive opinions and 66% offer unfavorable views. Favorable ratings of Christians among Muslims in Turkey and Pakistan are even lower than they were in 2006, when 16% and 26%, respectively, expressed positive views.

Views of Jews Positive in the West, Dismal in Muslim World

Attitudes toward Jews are positive in the U.S., Russia and Western Europe; at least seven-in-ten in France (84%), the U.S. (82%), Britain (76%) and Germany (71%) have favorable opinions of Jews, as do 63% of Russians and 59% in Spain.

Views of Jews among Spanish respondents are considerably more positive than they have been in recent years. In 2006, 45% had a favorable opinion and 39% had a negative view of Jews; as recently as 2008, more in Spain had an unfavorable opinion (46%) than had a favorable (37%) view of Jews.

Ratings of Jews are dismal in the seven predominantly Muslim nations surveyed. About one-in-ten (9%) Muslims in Indonesia, and even fewer in Turkey (4%), the Palestinian territories (4%), Lebanon (3%), Jordan (2%), Egypt (2%) and Pakistan (2%) express favorable opinions of Jews. Israeli Muslims, however, are divided in their opinions of Jews; 48% have favorable views and 49% express negative opinions.

Religion and Violence

Majorities in Israel (63%), Spain (63%), Germany (59%), the U.S. (54%) and Britain (52%), and a 39%-plurality in Russia, believe that some religions are more prone to violence than others. And when those who share this view are asked which religion they think is the most violent, large majorities in each of these countries name Islam.

The view that Islam is the most violent religion is particularly prevalent in Israel, France and Spain, where about nine-in-ten (91%, 90% and 87%, respectively) of those who say some religions are more prone to violence consider Islam to be the most violent.

At least two-thirds of those who say some religions are more violent than others in Germany (79%), Britain (75%), the U.S. (70%) and Russia (67%) also select Islam as the most violent.

Among the Muslim publics surveyed, majorities in Egypt (72%), Jordan (72%), Pakistan (60%) and the Palestinian territories (52%), as well as a 35%-plurality in Turkey, think some religions are more prone to violence than others. In Indonesia and Lebanon, more Muslims say that all religions are the same when it comes to violence (45% and 41%, respectively) than say some are more violent than others (23% and 18%).

In the Arab countries surveyed, large majorities of Muslims who say some religions are more prone to violence consider Judaism to be the most violent religion; 97% in Jordan, 93% in Egypt, 88% in the Palestinian territories and 77% in Lebanon share this view.

Outside of the Arab world, more than half of Muslims in Indonesia and Pakistan who say some religions are more violent also cite Judaism as the most violent (56% and 54%, respectively). In Turkey, however, slightly more say Christianity is the most violent religion than name Judaism (45% vs. 41%); in 2005, when the question was last asked, more than twice as many Turkish Muslims named Christianity as the most violent religion as named Judaism (46% vs. 20%).

Muslim Views of Westerners

Majorities of Muslims in Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian territories associate each of six negative traits – violence, greed, fanaticism, selfishness, immorality and arrogance – with people in Western countries such as the United States and Europe. Many in Pakistan, Lebanon and Indonesia also attribute these negative characteristics to Westerners.

Views of Westerners are particularly negative in Jordan; at least seven-in-ten Muslims in that country say Westerners are violent (78%), greedy (74%), selfish (73%), or immoral (73%), while 66% describe Westerners as fanatical and a narrower 53%-majority say they are arrogant.

In contrast, Lebanese Muslims offer the least negative views of Westerners among the Muslim publics surveyed. For example, about a third of Lebanese Muslims describe people in Western countries as violent (34%) and arrogant (35%), while about half do not associate these traits with Westerners (51% and 49%, respectively). A substantial minority of Muslims in Lebanon say Westerners are greedy (41%), fanatical (41%) and immoral (38%), but more say that is not the case. And while Lebanese Muslims are about evenly divided when asked if Westerners are selfish – 43% say yes and 41% say no – majorities of Muslims in the other countries surveyed attribute this trait to people in Western countries.

When asked whether they associate each of four positive traits with Westerners, majorities or pluralities of Muslims in nearly every predominantly Muslim nation surveyed say they do not think of Westerners as generous, honest or tolerant.

However, many Muslims say people in Western countries are respectful of women, including majorities in the Palestinian territories (56%) and Lebanon (55%) and a 46%-plurality in Indonesia; among Egyptian and Jordanian Muslims, the perception that Westerners are respectful of women is more common than it was in 2006, although more in these countries still say this trait does not describe Westerners than say it does.

Muslims in Turkey and Pakistan are the least likely to associate positive traits with Westerners. Fewer than one-in-five Pakistani Muslims say people in Western countries are generous (17%), honest (16%), respectful of women (16%) or tolerant (12%). In Turkey, three-in-ten Muslims say Westerners are respectful of women, while just 19% describe Westerners as honest or tolerant and 15% say people in Western countries are generous.

Compared with five years ago, Indonesian Muslims consistently offer more positive assessments of Westerners. More now attribute positive characteristics such as honesty (33%, up 13 percentage points), generosity (38%, up 8 points), respect for women (46%, up 8 points) and tolerance (41%, up 7 points) to people in Western countries than did so in 2006; the percentages of Indonesian Muslims who say Westerners are violent, greedy, selfish, immoral or arrogant have declined by double digits.

In contrast, Pakistani Muslims express far more negative views of Westerners than they did in 2006. For example, 64% of Muslims in Pakistan now say people in Western countries are greedy, compared with 44% who shared this view five years ago; the percentage saying Westerners are immoral, selfish or fanatical has also increased by double digits (16, 14 and 13 percentage points, respectively). More Pakistani Muslims also say Westerners are violent (58% vs. 49% in 2006) and arrogant (61% vs. 53%). Fewer Pakistani Muslims now say people in Western countries are generous (down 7 percentage points), respectful of women (down 6 points) or honest (down 5 points).

Non-Muslim Views of Muslims

Opinions of the negative traits associated with Muslims are mixed across the U.S., Russia and the four Western European countries surveyed. Majorities or pluralities of non-Muslims in these countries do not associate greed and immorality with Muslims; but most non-Muslims in Spain (80%), Germany (68%), Russia (64%) and France (52%) say Muslims are fanatical, and majorities in three of these countries also describe Muslims as violent (61% in Spain and 54% in Germany and Russia).

The U.S. and Britain are the only two countries where fewer than half of non-Muslims attribute each of the six negative traits tested to Muslims, but even in these countries many have negative views. For example, about the same number of non-Muslims in the U.S. says Muslims are violent (45%) as say they are not (46%). Non-Muslims in Britain are nearly evenly divided on whether or not Muslims are fanatical: 43% say yes and 42% say no.

Non-Muslims in the U.S., Russia and Western Europe also offer mixed views of the positive traits tested. Majorities or pluralities in France (62%), Britain (60%), Germany (53%), the U.S. (49%) and Spain (45%) say Muslims are honest; a majority in France (61%) and a plurality in Germany (45%) and Britain (43%) also say Muslims are generous.

Yet, nowhere does a majority or plurality of non-Muslims describe Muslims as tolerant or respectful of women. Russians are the most likely to say Muslims respect women, although just 28% of non-Muslims in that country say this is the case. In Spain, only 9% say Muslims are respectful of women. Four-in-ten non-Muslims in Britain say Muslims are tolerant, more than in any other country.

Changes in views of traits associated with Muslims have not been consistent across the U.S., Russia and Western Europe since 2006. For example, non-Muslims in Russia are generally less likely to attribute positive characteristics to Muslims, but they are also less likely to say that Muslims are violent, selfish or fanatical. Similarly, more in Spain now say Muslims are generous than did so five years ago, but more also see Muslims as selfish, arrogant and immoral.

In general, younger respondents and those with college degrees tend to offer more positive views of Muslims, while older and less-educated respondents are more likely to associate negative traits with this religious group. For example, in France, Germany and Spain, non-Muslims with a college degree are more likely than those with less education to say Muslims are generous and honest; by comparison, those without a college degree in these countries are more likely than the more educated groups to say Muslims are violent, greedy, fanatical, immoral and selfish.

Muslims Much More Critical

On balance, Muslims in the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed are more likely to associate negative characteristics with Westerners than non-Muslims are to associate them with Muslims. For example, nearly nine-in-ten (89%) Jordanian Muslims use at least three of the six negative adjectives tested to describe people in Western countries, as do majorities in Egypt (81%), Turkey (73%), the Palestinian territories (71%), Pakistan (67%) and Indonesia (63%); only in Lebanon is this not the case.

In contrast, Spain is the only Western country surveyed where a majority (60%) of non-Muslims associate three or more negative characteristics with Muslims. At least three-in-ten non-Muslims in Britain (39%), the U.S. (35%) and France (30%) do not attribute any of the six negative characteristics tested to Muslims.

Religious vs. National Identity

Most Christians in the Western European countries surveyed and in Russia think of themselves first in terms of their nationality rather than as Christians. This is especially the case in France, where nine-in-ten Christians see themselves as primarily French. Seven-in-ten Christians in Germany, 68% in Russia, 63% in Britain and 53% in Spain also identify primarily with their nationality rather than their religion.

National identification is even more widespread among Christians in Britain, France, Germany and Russia than it was five years ago, when majorities already identified primarily with their nationality. The change is especially notable in Germany, where the percentage seeing themselves first as Germans is up 11 percentage points, from 59% in 2006.

In contrast, American Christians are evenly divided; 46% see themselves primarily as Christians and the same number consider themselves Americans first. In 2006, national identification was slightly more common than religious identification among Christians in the U.S. (47% vs. 43%).

Religious identification among Christians in the U.S. is especially prevalent among white evangelicals. Seven-in-ten in this group see themselves first as Christians rather than as Americans, while 22% say they are primarily American. Among all other American Christians, more identify primarily with their nationality (55%) than identify with their religion (38%).

With the exception of Lebanon and the Palestinian territories, majorities and pluralities in the predominantly Muslim countries surveyed see themselves first as Muslims rather than as citizens of their country. This is especially the case in Pakistan, where 94% of Muslims identify themselves primarily with their religion; in Jordan, about two-thirds (65%) see themselves first as Muslims.

Pluralities of Muslims in Turkey (49%), Egypt (46%) and Indonesia (40%) also consider themselves Muslims first, while 21%, 31% and 35%, respectively, self-identify primarily with their nationality. However, significantly fewer in Egypt now primarily identify with their religion than did so in 2005, when about six-in-ten (59%) Muslims identified themselves primarily with their religion, while 23% saw themselves first as Egyptians.

In Lebanon, however, 36% see themselves primarily as Lebanese, while 28% see themselves first as Muslims. Palestinians are more divided; 43% self-identify first as Palestinians and 40% consider themselves primarily Muslims.

Majorities of Israeli Jews and Muslims identify first with their religion rather than as Israelis, but this is especially the case among Muslims. About three-quarters (77%) of Muslims in Israel think of themselves primarily as Muslims, while just 10% say they are Israeli first. Among Jews, 57% prioritize their religious identity and 22% self-identify as Israelis.

Compared with five years ago, however, worries have subsided somewhat in several countries, including Germany, France, Britain and Spain. The most dramatic drop has occurred among Jordan, where the percentage of Muslims concerned about Islamic extremism has declined by 22 percentage points since 2006.

Among Muslim publics, worries about Islamic extremism largely center on its violent nature. For example, among Muslims in Indonesia and Lebanon who are concerned about extremism, more than half say they are most troubled by the threat of violence. Pluralities in Turkey and Pakistan share this view. In the Palestinian territories and Egypt, the foremost concern among Muslims is that extremism will divide the country, while Jordanian Muslims worry most about the impact extremist agendas might have on personal freedoms.

As in the past, when asked about the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, small percentages of the Muslim publics surveyed believe these acts were carried out by Arabs. Only about one-in-five or fewer believe Arabs conducted the 9/11 attacks. However, Muslims in Lebanon and Israel are more willing to accept that groups of Arabs perpetrated the attacks, with just over a quarter in each country subscribing to this view. In several countries – Jordan, Egypt and Turkey – the percentage of Muslims believing that Arabs were responsible has actually declined since 2006.

Trends in Extremism Concern

Worries about Islamic extremism remain widespread in the U.S., Russia and Western Europe. At least seven-in-ten in Russia (76%), Germany (73%), Britain (70%) and the U.S. (70%) say they are very or somewhat concerned about extremism in their country; 68% of French and 61% of Spanish respondents express similar concern.

Compared with five years ago, fears about Islamic extremism have decreased somewhat in the Western European countries surveyed. This is especially the case in Germany, where about eight-in-ten (82%) were concerned about Islamic extremism in their country in 2006; 77% in Britain, 76% in France and 66% in Spain expressed concern five years ago.

In Israel, about three-quarters (77%) are concerned about Islamic extremism in their country, reflecting the views of Jews in that country. Fully 85% of Israeli Jews worry about Islamic extremism; in contrast, just 31% of Muslims in Israel express concerned, while 56% do not.

Among the Muslim publics surveyed, Palestinians are the most concerned about Islamic extremism (78%). Roughly three-quarters (73%) of Muslims in Lebanon share this concern, as do 64% of Muslims in Egypt, 63% in Pakistan, and a narrow 52%-majority in Turkey. In Lebanon, fears of Islamic extremism are even more prevalent among Christians; 88% of Lebanese Christians worry about Islamic extremism in their country.

In contrast, fewer than half of Muslims in Jordan and Indonesia are concerned about Islamic extremism. About four-in-ten (42%) Indonesian Muslims are at least somewhat concerned, while 51% are not concerned about Islamic extremism. Views are somewhat more mixed in Jordan, where 47% of Muslims worry about extremism and 52% do not. Concern about Islamic extremism has declined considerably in Jordan over the past five years; nearly seven-in-ten (69%) Muslims in that country expressed concern in 2006.

Fears of Violence

Among the Muslim publics surveyed, those who express concerns about Islamic extremism are primarily worried by the violent nature of extremist movements. In both Lebanon (56%) and Indonesia (55%), majorities of Muslims point to violence as their greatest concern when it comes to Islamic extremism. In Lebanon, pluralities of Christians (49%) and Sunnis (44%) name violence as their primary worry, while nearly seven-in-ten (69%) among the country’s Shia community say the same.

In Turkey and Pakistan, too, Muslims who are concerned about Islamic extremism tend to be most worried about the threat of violence. Roughly four-in-ten among concerned Muslims in Turkey (43%) point to violence as their leading concern about extremism; in Pakistan, 40% of those worried about extremism share this view.

In Egypt, somewhat more among Muslims who are concerned worry that extremism could divide the country (32%) than point to its violent nature (29%); a smaller percentage (25%) is concerned that extremism will lead to fewer freedoms and choices for individuals.

Violence is also not the leading concern in either the Palestinian territories or Jordan. In the former, Muslims worried about Islamic extremism are most exercised (39%) by the possibility that it could divide their country. In Jordan, the threat to personal freedoms is the principal worry (39%) among Muslims concerned about extremism.

Views About 9/11

When asked about the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, few among the Muslim publics surveyed believe these acts were carried out by groups of Arabs. The highest percentage who believe that Arabs were culpable for the 9/11 attacks is found in Lebanon, where 28% of Muslims believe this to be true, with roughly comparable numbers of Sunni (31%) and Shia (26%) agreeing on this point. A similar proportion of Israeli Muslims (27%) also say groups of Arabs conducted the attacks.

In the other predominantly Muslim countries surveyed, fewer than one-in-four Muslims accept that Arabs conducted the attacks on New York and Washington 10 years ago. Pakistanis and Turks are the most skeptical, with just 12% and 9%, respectively, saying that groups of Arabs carried out the 9/11 terrorist acts.

In several of the Muslim nations for which there are trends, skepticism has grown since 2006. Among Jordanians, the percentage of Muslims who believe Arabs were responsible for the terrorist acts has fallen 17 percentage points, compared with five years ago. Over the same period, the percentage of Muslims in Egypt who accept that groups of Arabs carried out the attacks has declined 11 points, while in Turkey it has shrunk by 7 percentage points. In the case of Indonesia and Pakistan, opinions on the matter have changed little since 2006.

Most Pakistanis disapprove of the U.S. military operation that killed Osama bin Laden, and although the al Qaeda leader has not been well-liked in recent years, a majority of Pakistanis describe his death as a bad thing. Only 14% say it is a good thing.

Moreover, many Pakistanis believe the U.S. raid on bin Laden’s compound – which was located about 35 miles from Islamabad – will have a negative impact on the already strained relations between the U.S. and their country.

However, the current survey, taken after the raid, showed no material change in opinion of the U.S., when compared with polling conducted immediately before it. In fact, prior to the raid favorable ratings of the U.S. had already fallen to a level not seen since 2002, following the invasion of neighboring Afghanistan.

Currently, just 12% express a positive view of the U.S. and only 8% have confidence in President Barack Obama to do the right thing in world affairs. Obama’s ratings are as low as former President George W. Bush’s were in 2008. Most Pakistanis see the U.S. as an enemy, consider it a potential military threat, and oppose American-led anti-terrorism efforts. All of these views were comparably negative both before and after the killing of bin Laden.

Pakistanis are uncertain about their own government’s role in the military operation that killed bin Laden. About three-in-ten (29%) believe the Pakistani government authorized the raid and 23% say it did not, but 49% say they do not know. Only 18% think the government knew bin Laden was hiding in Abbottabad and 29% do not think that was the case; again, roughly half (53%) offer no opinion.

Support for the Pakistani government’s military campaign against extremist groups has waned in recent years. Just 37% support using the Pakistani army to fight extremists in the country’s Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa region (formerly the North-West Frontier Province). This level is significantly lower than it was two years ago, when, in a survey taken following conflict between government forces and Taliban-affiliated groups in the Swat Valley area, 53% endorsed using the army to battle these organizations.

Similarly, fears that extremists might take over Pakistan have declined since 2009. Currently, 55% are very or somewhat worried about this possibility – still a sizeable number, but substantially lower than the 69% expressing such concern two years ago.

While concerns about an extremist takeover and support for using military force against extremist groups may be slipping, the groups themselves remain widely unpopular. Just 12% of Pakistanis have a positive view of al Qaeda, down from 18% in 2010. Only 12% give the Taliban a favorable rating, and when asked more specifically about the Tehrik-i-Taliban (which is based in Pakistan) and the Afghan Taliban, Pakistanis give both groups similarly low levels of support.

There is somewhat more support for Lashkar-e-Taiba, a Kashmir-based group that has carried out numerous attacks against India. Currently, 27% have a positive opinion of the organization.

These are among the key findings from two face-to-face personal interview surveys conducted in Pakistan by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. The first was conducted April 10-26 among 1,970 Pakistanis as part of the 23-nation spring 2011 Pew Global Attitudes poll. The second was a special survey conducted only in Pakistan May 8-15, among 1,251 Pakistanis, following the May 2 killing of Osama bin Laden by the U.S. military. This second survey included a new set of questions specifically about bin Laden’s death and repeated nearly all of the questions from the first survey. The samples for both surveys cover approximately 85% of the Pakistani population.¹ Throughout the report, results from the May survey are featured, although comparative data from the April survey are referenced on several questions of particular interest. In general, there are few notable differences between the results of the first and second surveys, suggesting that the death of bin Laden had little impact on Pakistani public opinion about the U.S. or about other issues included on the survey.

Disapproval of U.S. Foreign Policy and Opposition to Drone Strikes

Key features of U.S. foreign policy remain unpopular in Pakistan. Only one-in-five think the U.S. considers Pakistani interests when making foreign policy decisions. Almost seven-in-ten (69%) want U.S. and NATO troops out of neighboring Afghanistan. Roughly six-in-ten (62%) oppose U.S. anti-terrorism efforts.

And beyond the opposition to the raid on bin Laden’s compound, there are other signs that Pakistanis are concerned about issues related to sovereignty and the use of American military force within their country’s borders. Among those who are aware of U.S. drone strikes against extremists in Pakistan, these attacks are widely seen as unnecessary and as too costly in terms of innocent lives. Fears about U.S. military power are widespread – 69% believe the U.S. could be a military threat to Pakistan.

India Seen as Bigger Threat Than Taliban, al Qaeda

Pakistani views of traditional rival India have grown increasingly negative in recent years. Three-in-four express an unfavorable opinion of India, up from 50% five years ago.

When asked which is the biggest threat to their country, India, the Taliban, or al Qaeda, a majority of Pakistanis (57%) say India.

Still, roughly seven-in-ten say it is important to improve relations with India, believe increased trade with their neighbor would be a good thing, and support further talks to reduce tensions between the two countries.

Similarly, Indians express negative opinions of Pakistan; 65% have an unfavorable view of their traditional rival and more name Pakistan as India’s biggest threat (45%) than name Lashkar-e-Taiba (19%) or Naxalites (16%). Yet, like Pakistanis, Indians would like to see improved relations between the two countries and most support increased trade between India and Pakistan.

Grim Ratings for National Conditions and Zardari

Pakistanis continue to be highly dissatisfied with conditions in their country. Roughly nine-in-ten (92%) are dissatisfied with the country’s direction. Almost as many (85%) say the economic situation in Pakistan is bad. And optimism is scarce – 60% think the economy will worsen in the next 12 months; only 13% believe it will improve.

Pakistanis list a myriad of problems afflicting their nation – huge majorities say rising prices, a lack of jobs, crime, terrorism and political corruption are very big problems. Unsurprisingly, given these dismal assessments, ratings for President Asif Ali Zardari are overwhelmingly negative. Only 11% have a favorable view of him, down from 20% last year. His prime minister and fellow Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) leader, Yousaf Raza Gilani, receives a positive rating from 37% – a significant drop from 59% in 2010.

Opposition leader Nawaz Sharif fares better: 63% express a positive opinion of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) leader, down from a year ago when 71% held this view. The most popular leader tested is former cricket star Imran Khan. Nearly seven-in-ten (68%) have a favorable view of the athlete turned politician, up from 52% in 2010.

On balance, Pakistanis continue to view Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry positively, although his ratings have fallen somewhat since last year (51% favorable in 2011; 61% in 2010).

Even though the Pakistani military has received some criticism since the U.S. raid that killed bin Laden, it remains overwhelmingly popular: 79% say it is having a good influence on the country. Ratings for military chief Gen. Ashfaq Parvez Kayani have remained on balance positive – 52% give him a favorable and 21% an unfavorable rating. This represents a slight change from the April poll conducted prior to bin Laden’s death, when 57% rated him favorably and 18% unfavorably.

Also of Note

• In addition to the military, the media and religious leaders are also well-regarded; 76% of Pakistanis say the media are having a good influence on the way things are going in their country and 60% say the same about religious leaders. Few give the police and the national government positive ratings.
• Just 37% of Pakistanis say they followed news about the U.S. military raid that killed bin Laden very or somewhat closely, while 39% followed news about the raid not too closely or not at all closely.
• Most Pakistanis support the U.S. providing financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremist groups operate, and many want the U.S. to provide intelligence and logistical support for Pakistani troops fighting extremists.
• Violence is the top concern among those who are worried about Islamic extremism in Pakistan; 40% say this, compared with 24% who are most concerned about the impact of extremism on the national economy, 16% who worry that it will lead to loss of freedoms, and 15% who fear extremism will divide the country.
• More than eight-in-ten (85%) Pakistanis say suicide bombing and other violent acts against civilians in defense of Islam are never justified. Far fewer (38%) said this was the case in 2002, when the Pew Research Center first asked this question.

Regarding their own government’s role in the operation, Pakistanis are uncertain – majorities or pluralities say they do not know whether the Pakistani government provided intelligence to the U.S., authorized the operation, or knew bin Laden was hiding in Abbottabad.

Along with the killing of bin Laden, another American effort targeting leaders of extremist groups on Pakistani soil is also unpopular: drone strikes. Among Pakistanis who are aware of the drone attacks, about six-in-ten consider them unnecessary.

And Pakistanis are losing enthusiasm for their own government’s battle against extremists – just 37% say they support using the army to fight extremist groups, down from 53% two years ago.

Most Call bin Laden’s Death a Bad Thing

Prior to his death, Osama bin Laden’s popularity had waned considerably in Pakistan. In 2005, 51% of Pakistanis said they had confidence in the terrorist leader to do the right thing in world affairs, but in the spring 2011 poll conducted shortly before his death, only 21% expressed this view.

However, despite the lack of broad support for bin Laden, most Pakistanis (63%) disapprove of the U.S. raid that killed him. Only 10% approve; about a quarter (27%) offer no opinion.

Moreover, when asked, regardless of how they feel about the U.S. military operation, do they think bin Laden’s death is a good or bad thing, 55% say it is a bad thing. Just 14% describe it as a good thing, while roughly one-in-three (32%) do not express an opinion.

While the raid that killed bin Laden has been a major news story in Pakistan, the U.S. and around the world, it is not necessarily an issue of great interest among the Pakistani public. Nearly four-in-ten (37%) say they have followed news about the raid very or somewhat closely, while 39% say they have followed news about it not too closely or not at all closely. One-in-four say they do not know.

Interest in the story is more common among Pakistanis with higher incomes (54% very or somewhat closely), those who have attended at least some intermediate school (53%), and urban residents (46%).

The bin Laden Raid and U.S.-Pakistani Relations

On balance, Pakistanis believe the U.S.-Pakistani relationship, which has been fraught with tensions for years, will suffer as a result of the military operation that killed bin Laden. Roughly half (51%) think relations between the two countries will worsen as a result, while only 4% think relations will improve and 16% say they will remain the same as they have been.

Following bin Laden’s death, Pakistanis became more likely to say the U.S.-Pakistani relationship has worsened in recent years. Prior to the killing of the al Qaeda leader, Pakistanis were divided on the question of whether relations between their country and the U.S. had improved: 35% said yes and 35% said no. After his death, 29% said relations had improved in recent years, while 44% said they had not.

Despite the pessimism about the direction of U.S.-Pakistani relations, most Pakistanis would like to see a strong relationship between the two countries. Six-in-ten say it is important that relations between the U.S. and Pakistan improve; only 22% think this is unimportant.

What Did the Pakistani Government Know?

There is no consensus among Pakistanis regarding the extent to which their government was involved in the military operation that killed Osama bin Laden.

Just 18% think the government knew bin Laden was hiding in Abbottabad, Pakistan; 29% say the government did not know this; and a slim majority (53%) has no opinion.

Nearly a quarter (23%) think the Pakistani government provided intelligence to the U.S. that led to the killing of the al Qaeda leader, while an almost equal number (22%) do not believe this. However, a majority (56%) has no view on this issue.

About three-in-ten (29%) think their government authorized the raid that killed bin Laden, while 23% do not believe this. Roughly half (49%) do not know. The view that the Pakistani government authorized the operation is especially common among supporters of the opposition Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) (42%).

Drone Strikes and the Fight Against Extremists

Awareness of U.S. drone attacks against extremists groups and leaders within Pakistan has increased since last year. Today, 27% say they have heard a lot about these attacks, compared with 14% last year. Meanwhile, the percentage of Pakistanis who have heard a little has risen from 21% to 29%.

Familiarity with the drone strikes is linked to education. Those with some intermediate or more education (85%) and those with at least some primary education (68%) are much more aware of these attacks than are Pakistanis with no formal education (35%). Men (76%) are also much more aware than women (36%).

As in previous years, those who know about the drone strikes tend to view them negatively. Nearly all (97%) say they are a bad thing – and 65% say they are very bad.

When those who are aware of the drone attacks are asked who is conducting them, roughly seven-in-ten (69%) say the U.S. government; 3% say the Pakistani government; and 19% volunteer that both governments are responsible. When asked whether these attacks are being done without the approval of the Pakistani government, more than four-in-ten (45%) say yes while a roughly equal number (41%) say no.

Fully 61% of those who know about the strikes say they are unnecessary and 89% think they kill too many innocent people.

Only 21% of Pakistanis say they support the idea of U.S. and Pakistan working together to conduct drone strikes against extremist leaders.

Other types of U.S. involvement in the fight against extremist groups receive more support. For instance, a slim majority (54%) wants the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where these groups operate. This is essentially unchanged from last year, when 53% favored U.S. aid, although as recently as 2009, 72% favored U.S. financial and humanitarian assistance.

Nearly half (46%) would like the U.S. to provide intelligence and logistical support to Pakistani troops battling extremist groups. This too is largely unchanged from last year’s 48%, but is down significantly from 2009, when 63% supported this idea.

Support is also waning for the Pakistani state’s own campaign against extremists. Currently, 37% of Pakistanis support using the national army to fight extremist groups in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (formerly the North-West Frontier Province), while 25% oppose using the military in this way. Last year, more than twice as many endorsed this idea (49%) as opposed it (20%). The current level of support for using the Pakistani army to fight extremists is unchanged from the survey conducted just prior to the U.S. military raid that killed bin Laden.