Other social issues, more than economics, divide the world‘s people. In Western Europe and Canada, and to a lesser extent in the U.S., the prevailing view is that homosexuality should be accepted by society. But even larger majorities in Africa, much of the Middle East and Asia are opposed to societal acceptance of homosexuality. In some African countries – notably Kenya and Senegal – that opposition is virtually unanimous.

Global opinion is split, along roughly similar geographic lines, over the linkage between belief in God and morality. The consensus in Europe is that it is not necessary for a person to believe in God to be moral and have good values. In every other country where this question was asked – including the United States – majorities say that belief in God is a prerequisite for morality.

In Praise of Free Markets

As might be expected, there is extensive support for free markets among people living in advanced economies. Fully seven-in-ten in the U.S. (72%), Italy (71%) and Germany (69%) agree that people are better off in free markets, and support is only somewhat less in Great Britain (66%), France (61%) and Canada (61%). Japan, where the economy has been struggling for years, is a notable exception. Only about four-in-ten Japanese (43%) think people are better off in free markets, while a majority (55%) disagrees.

Levels of support for free markets are even higher in several still-developing African countries, particularly Nigeria (80%) and Ivory Coast (79%). In fact, support for free-market economic systems is greatest overall in high-income countries surveyed (66% on average), and in those with the lowest income (63%) – perhaps based on experience in the former case and hopeful expectation in the latter.

Support for free markets is significantly weaker in several middle-income countries, many of which are struggling to make capitalism work. Opinion on this issue varies widely among countries classified by The World Bank as “low middle-income” and “upper middle-income.” But, on average, only a narrow majority (54%) in the middle-income countries surveyed agrees that people are better off in free markets.

In Argentina, which is facing a severe economic crisis, only about a quarter of respondents (26%) feel that people are better off in free markets. There is notable lack of support for free markets in three transitional economies in Eastern Europe – Russia (45%), Poland (44%) and Bulgaria (31%).

On the other hand, some middle-income Eastern European populations show surprising support for free markets, with Ukraine (64%) and the Czech Republic (62%) on par with Canada and France. Similarly in China, where a different version of the question was asked about the country‘s increasingly free-market economy, seven-in-ten agreed with the statement “most people have a better life now, even though some are rich and some are poor.”

Still a Need for a Safety Net

Along with widespread acceptance of free markets, people around the world perceive the need for a social safety net and believe the government has a responsibility to care for the poor. But significant differences emerge when people are asked to weigh the relative importance of a government guarantee of aid for the poor against the freedom to pursue individual goals without government interference.

Majorities in every European country, as well as Canada, believe it is more important for government to ensure that no one is in need than it is for individuals to be free to pursue goals without government interference. This view is prevalent in former Soviet countries – notably Russia (74%), Ukraine (76%) and the Slovak Republic (70%). Support for activist government efforts to aid the poor is nearly as strong in Italy (71%), France (62%) and Great Britain (62%).

But Americans – alone among the populations of wealthy nations – care more about personal freedom than about government assurances of an economic safety net. Near six-in-ten (58%) value the freedom to pursue individual goals without government interference, while barely a third (34%) say it is more important for the government to take an activist approach to guaranteeing that no one is in need.

Other nations where large majorities favor personal freedom over a government guarantee of aid for the poor include Venezuela (68%), Honduras (68%), Guatemala (61%), Ghana (63%), Nigeria (61%) and Pakistan (61%). In all these nations, as is shown here, significant majorities also say their governments are usually inefficient or overly controlling, assessments that may affect views on the value of a government safety net.

Tepid Support for Safety Net in U.S.

Support for a social safety net is relatively weak in the U.S., even when there is no potential cost in government interference with personal liberty. Asked simply if government has a responsibility to care for the poor, 73% of Americans agree, but that is a smaller percentage than in any other country except Jordan (61%) and Japan (65%).

Differences over this issue are even more apparent in the intensity of opinion. Just three-in-ten Americans (29%) completely agree that government has a responsibility to help the poor. In 37 of the 42 other countries where this question was asked, at least four-in-ten completely agree that government has the responsibility to help the needy. In much of Eastern Europe, as well as Great Britain, fully twice as many people completely subscribe to this opinion as compared with the U.S.

Over the past 12 years, there has been a sea change in opinion in several Eastern European countries – especially Russia and the Ukraine – on the relative importance of personal freedom and government guarantees of aid for the poor. In 1991, just a third of Russians rated a government obligation to help the poor as a greater priority than personal freedom. That percentage has more than doubled over the past 12 years to 74% currently. The change has been nearly as dramatic in Ukraine, where 76% now view a government guarantee to help the poor as more important (compared with 37% in 1991).

In Western Europe, the trend in general attitudes toward government aid for the poor differs. It has been far less dramatic and it has gone in the other direction. There has been a noticeable decline in several European countries in the percentage completely agreeing it is the government‘s responsibility to help the poor. Even so, this view is much more widely held in Europe than it is in the United States.

Resistance to Shutting Inefficient Factories

People around the world express broad support, in principle, for free markets. But there is far more public resistance to implementing such specific policies as closing large, inefficient factories if that entails substantial personal costs.

Majorities in most countries where the question was asked say that large, inefficient enterprises should not be allowed to close because it would cause too much hardship on people. Only in a handful of countries – notably Vietnam, the Czech Republic and Tanzania – do most people believe such factories or enterprises should be closed, even if hardships result.

The contrast between principle and reality is most apparent in Guatemala, where 61% favor a free market but 70% say closing inefficient factories is too great a hardship. Similarly in India, 53% favor free markets but closing inefficient factories. Opinion is roughly similar in Turkey, where 52% favor free markets but 70% oppose closing inefficient factories.

Success: Out of One’s Control

North Americans feel a much greater sense of personal empowerment than do people in the rest of the world. Strong majorities in the United States (65%) and Canada (63%) reject the idea that “success in life is pretty much determined by forces outside our control.” Outside of North America, only in Japan does a majority (52%) disagree with the idea that success lies with forces outside individual control.

Throughout the rest of the world, most people feel that success for the most part lies out of their personal control. This opinion is dominant across a diverse group of countries – including Turkey (76%), South Korea (75%), Mali (71%) and Germany (68%).

In Europe, majorities in every country – except Great Britain and the Czech and Slovak Republics – believe that forces outside of an individual‘s personal control determine success. Even in those countries, opinion is divided, with nearly half in each saying success is not within an individual‘s control (49% Slovak Republic, 48% Great Britain, 47% Czech Republic).

The percentage of Americans who believe that success is determined by forces outside their control has fallen modestly since 1988–from 41% to 32%. Elsewhere there has been little change in recent years, with a few exceptions. A growing number of Germans feel success is outside of their control – 68% agree with that statement now compared with 59% in 1991. More important, the number completely agreeing has nearly doubled, from 12% to 23%, over the same period.

In Bulgaria, by comparison, there has been a decline since 1991 in the percentage of the public saying that success lies beyond an individual‘s personal control (from 73% to 54%). And the number who completely agree that outside forces determine individual success has tumbled from 41% to 12%.

Failure: Not Society’s Fault

There is more international agreement on the idea that individuals – not society – are to blame for failure. Not surprisingly, Americans are among the most likely to cite the individual, rather than society. By more than six-to-one, Americans say that people who do not succeed do so because of their failures, not society’s.

That view is shared across a wide range of countries. Opinion in Indonesia is even more on the side of individual accountability than in the U.S.: Fully 87% of Indonesians hold individuals responsible for their failures, compared with 11% who blame society. Similarly, strong majorities in the Czech Republic (82%), Uzbekistan (79%), Honduras (77%), Guatemala (76%), Mexico (76%), Great Britain (75%) and Germany (74%) believe that failure can be blamed on individual shortcomings.

Still, this view is not universally shared. In Poland, a 55% majority blames failure on society – not the individual – and substantial minorities in Ukraine (48%), Bulgaria (47%) and Russia (38%) agree. In Africa as well, respondents also are less likely to blame failure on individual shortcomings than on society, and opinion is evenly divided on this point in Argentina, Brazil and Turkey.

Government: Inefficient And Controlling, But…

People have complex and somewhat contradictory feelings about their own governments. There is a widespread sense that government is inefficient, and majorities in many countries – including Western Europe and the U.S. – feel that government is too controlling.

At the same time, people generally view their governments as being run for the benefit of all the people. At least half of respondents in 34 of 42 countries in which this question was asked agree that government is generally run for the benefit of everyone.

In effect, people take a compartmentalized view of government. Americans are typical in this regard: Fully six-in-ten say government is inefficient (63%) and overly controlling (60%), but most (65%) also agree with the statement that the government “is run for the benefit of all the people.” Just a third of Americans (34%) disagree with that statement.

This view of government is shared in several other nations as well. Like Americans, the British view their government as inefficient and excessively controlling (54%, 66% respectively). But two-thirds also say the government is run for the benefit of all the people. People in Canada, Honduras, Lebanon, Turkey and many other countries – including several in Africa – take a similar view of their governments.

This perspective, though, is not universal. Respondents in Argentina and Japan are highly critical of their governments for inefficiency and for not operating for the benefit of all citizens. Just 17% of Argentines and 26% of Japanese say their governments operate for everyone‘s benefit. But respondents in these countries do not believe their governments are too controlling; only about four-in-ten in each hold that view (42% in Japan, 41% in Argentina).

Populations in Africa, the Middle East/Conflict Area and some Asian nations are notable for the very positive assessments they give to their governments‘ fairness. Overwhelming majorities in most of these countries say their governments are run for the benefit of all, most notably in Bangladesh (93%), Egypt (90%), Uganda (86%), Ghana (85%), Uzbekistan (85%) and the Philippines (84%). Even in Turkey, where most see too much control and inefficiency by the government, nearly eight-in-ten (79%) say it is being run for everyone‘s benefit.

In Eastern Europe, where current conditions contrast sharply with the state control of the communist era, relatively few people view their governments as too controlling. In Poland, just 28% say that, and only about a third in Russia (34%) and Bulgaria (36%) agree. There are significant differences among Eastern Europeans, however, over their governments‘ efforts at fairness. Just a third (32%) of Ukrainians say their government is run to everyone‘s benefit – the lowest percentage of any nation in the region. Poland is at the other end of the spectrum: nearly nine-in-ten Poles (88%) believe the government is fair to everyone.

For the most part, attitudes toward government in the U.S. and Europe have not changed dramatically since the fall of communism. But there are some major exceptions, especially in opinion on whether government is run to the benefit of everyone. In Poland and Germany, the percentage holding that favorable view of their governments has more than doubled since 1991 – from 31% to 88% in Poland, and from 41% to 86% in Germany. And in Russia, half see the government as benefiting everyone, compared with 26% in 1991.

Over the same period, there has been a significant increase in the number of Germans who also see their government as too controlling – from 38% in 1991 to 60% in the current survey. As is the case with German views on government‘s fairness, the change has occurred about equally among residents of former East Germany and former West Germany. In Russia, by comparison, the trend has gone in the reverse direction. Fewer people say the government is overly controlling now than did so in 1991 (34% now, 49% then).

Environment vs. Growth

There is fairly wide agreement among people in advanced economies that environmental protection should be a priority, even if it means slower economic growth. But there are notable gaps in the strength of this opinion, with respondents in France and the U.S. less enthusiastic about making that tradeoff.

Fully eight-in-ten in Canada, Italy, Great Britain and former West Germany say protecting the environment is worth the cost in jobs and slower growth. Roughly seven-in-ten in Japan, the U.S. and former East Germany agree. About four-in-ten in Canada and Italy (42%, 40%), completely agree that environmental protection is worth the cost, and at least a third in Japan (37%) Great Britain (36%) and Germany (34%) completely agree.

Smaller percentages, in the U.S. and France particularly, completely agree that environmental protection is worth the loss of jobs and economic growth (25% in each country). In addition, overall opposition to that idea is higher in France (33%), in former East Germany (30%) and the U.S. (26%).

More Tolerance in U.S., Canada

Americans express significantly more tolerance toward ethnic minorities than do Europeans. The U.S. public has an overwhelmingly positive view of the country‘s two largest ethnic minorities – African-Americans and Hispanics. Nearly eight-in-ten (78%) say blacks have a good influence on the country, while two-thirds (67%) have a similarly positive view of Hispanics.

In Canada, there also is a high level of tolerance for the leading minority group, ethnic French. Fully three-quarters of Canadians say the French have had a positive influence on Canada. Western Europeans, by contrast, have a much more negative opinion of the ethnic minorities in their countries.

Fully eight-in-ten Italians say ethnic Albanians have had a bad influence on Italy – and nearly half (48%) say their influence has been very bad. In France, about half of respondents (51%) believe North Africans have a bad influence on France, while 43% say they have a positive influence. Germans are somewhat more positive in assessing the influence of ethnic Turks (47% positive, 41% negative). The British take a relatively favorable view of blacks and Asians in their country: 63% say their influence is good, while 26% say it is bad.

A separate survey last fall underscores the negative impression many in Europe have of ethnic minorities and foreigners more generally. Asked specifically whether it is a good or bad thing that people from “the Middle East and North Africa” were living and working in their country, majorities in Germany (59%) and France (53%) say it is a bad thing. In Great Britain, opinion is divided – 53% feel it is a positive development, while 40% disagree. (This question was only asked in Great Britain, Germany and France.)

Roughly half of respondents in Germany and France (53%, 50%) also take a negative view of Eastern Europeans living and working in their country. The British are somewhat more positive about Eastern Europeans – 53% say their presence in Great Britain is a good thing, while 41% see it as bad.

Majorities in all three countries believe it is good that people from other European Union countries are living and working in their country. Six-in-ten in France and Great Britain (64%, 63%) view fellow Europeans in positive terms, but Germans are more divided (54% good thing, 39% bad).

Most Favor Both Spouses Working

The increasing role of women in the workplace is supported in most of the 44 countries surveyed. Throughout Europe, North America, Asia and Africa, majorities believe that the more satisfying way of life is for both spouses to hold jobs and share in household and child care duties.

In Western Europe, this opinion is dominant, particularly in France. In France, 86% favor both spouses working, while just 13% think the preferred model for marriage is when the husband alone supports the family. The idea of both spouses working is less popular in parts of Eastern Europe and the United States. A majority of Russians (56%) favor both spouses working, but more than four-in-ten (42%) disagree. Opinion in the United States is similarly divided; 58% support both spouses working and 37% disagree.

There are major differences in attitudes on this question among predominantly Muslim countries. Egypt, Pakistan and Jordan are the only countries surveyed in which majorities favor the traditional marital division of duties. This is consistent with the relatively low level of support among Muslims in Jordan and Pakistan for women working outside the home. Of Muslims, just 14% in Jordan and a third in Pakistan completely agree that women should be able to work outside the home; this question was not permitted in Egypt. (See Chapter 2 – Muslim Opinion on Government and Social Issues.)

Other Muslim countries broadly accept the idea of both spouses holding jobs. In Turkey, Lebanon and Uzbekistan, solid majorities believe the husband and wife should work and share child care responsibilities. That also is the case in Senegal, Mali and Nigeria, the African countries surveyed with large Muslim populations.

Birth Control Mostly Popular

Birth control is widely viewed as one of the positive aspects of modern life. Majorities in 34 of the 44 countries surveyed say birth control and family planning have changed things for the better. In particular, birth control is broadly supported in the world‘s most populous countries. Roughly nine-in-ten Indians (87%) and eight-in-ten Chinese (77%) say birth control has changed things for the better.

By contrast, people in countries where the population is growing slowly (if at all) take a more negative view of birth control. In Japan, where the government did not allow sale of birth control pills until four years ago, just 32% say birth control has changed life for the better and nearly as many (29%) say it has made things worse. In Ukraine and Bulgaria, pluralities (44%, 39%) believe birth control has made things worse. Only four-in-ten Italians (41%) say birth control has improved life, while 30% say it has made things worse.

For the most part, men and women take a similar view of birth control. But in several countries, women are notably more upbeat about birth control than are men. Two-thirds of Canadian women (68%) say birth control has improved life, but only about half of Canadian men (51%) agree. And in France, 66% of women say birth control has improved things, compared with 52% of men.

Global Divide on Homosexuality…

The question of homosexuality highlights a stark global divide over social values. In five African countries, more than nine-in-ten believe homosexuality should not be accepted by society. Opinion is a bit less lopsided, but still highly negative toward homosexuality, elsewhere in Africa and throughout the Middle East/Conflict Area.

Western Europeans, by nearly as large margins, take the opposite view. More than seven-in-ten respondents in Germany (83%), France (77%), Great Britain (74%) and Italy (72%) think that homosexuality should be accepted by society. Opinion in Canada (69%) closely mirrors that of Western Europe.

American opinion is split on this issue. A bare majority of Americans (51%) believe homosexuality should be accepted, while 42% disagree. In this regard, American attitudes have less in common with Western Europe or Canada than with Latin America, where opinion also is largely divided.

…And Morality

Americans and Europeans differ over foreign policy and other issues, but those disagreements pale in comparison to the transatlantic gulf over religion and morality. While 58% of Americans say that belief in God is a prerequisite to personal morality, just a third of Germans and even fewer Italians, British and French agree.

Attitudes toward religion and morality also divide Americans from publics in Eastern Europe. Along with the French, Czech respondents are most likely to reject linkage between religion and morality (85%-13%). Smaller but substantial majorities in Russia (72%), Poland (60%), Bulgaria (59%) and the Slovak Republic (53%) also say it is not necessary to believe in God to be moral. Ukraine is the only country of the ten European nations surveyed in which a majority (61%) dissents from that view.

Opinion on God and morality in the U.S. is far closer to that expressed in some Latin American countries surveyed (Mexico, Venezuela and Argentina) than it is to Europe. This pattern is similar to findings on the personal importance of religion, which were released in December 2002. The United States is the only wealthy country in which a majority said religion was very important to them personally. (U.S. Stands Alone in Its Embrace of Religion, Dec. 19, 2002).

Age and Social Values

Just as young people are more comfortable than their elders with the pace of modern life, the two groups also hold very different views on social and religious issues. In many countries, there is a significant generation gap over homosexuality, the role of women in the workplace, and God and morality.

These differences are most pronounced on the question of whether society should accept homosexuality. In Japan, more than three-quarters of those under age 30 favor societal acceptance of homosexuality (77%); just a quarter of those age 65 and older agree (24%). In Poland, the differences are even starker. Six-in-ten Poles under age 30 believe society should accept homosexuality. The number holding that view declines among older age groups, to just 9% of those 65 and older.

Age differences also influence opinion on whether both spouses should work. Poles under the age of 30 overwhelmingly favor both spouses working (82%-18%); those age 65 and older prefer the traditional marriage (62% favor just the husband working). In the U.S., those under age 30 favor both spouses working by three-to-one (73%-24%), while older people are much more divided (53% favor just the husband working, 42% prefer both spouses work).

In most countries, age is less of a factor in attitudes toward God and morality. In the United States, majorities in every age category say belief in God is a prerequisite for morality, though younger Americans are somewhat less likely to express this opinion than those age 65 and older (53% vs. 68%). In Canada and Western Europe, majorities in every age group hold the opposite view, though in these countries as well, younger respondents are more likely than older people to say that belief in God is not a prerequisite for morality.

But opinion in Poland on God and morality is sharply divided along generational lines. Nearly seven-in-ten of those under age 30 (68%) say it is not necessary to believe in God to be moral, while 31% disagree. Among Poles age 65 and older, those numbers are practically reversed: 64% think belief in God is necessary for morality, compared with 34% who do not. (The question on homosexuality was not asked in China, Egypt and Tanzania; the question on God and morality was not asked in China, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Vietnam.)

The speed of the war in Iraq and the prevailing belief that the Iraqi people are better off as a result have modestly improved the image of America. But in most countries, opinions of the U.S. are markedly lower than they were a year ago. The war has widened the rift between Americans and Western Europeans, further inflamed the Muslim world, softened support for the war on terrorism, and significantly weakened global public support for the pillars of the post-World War II era — the U.N. and the North Atlantic alliance.

These are the principal findings from the latest survey of the Pew Global Attitudes Project, conducted over the past month in 20 countries and the Palestinian Authority. It is being released together with a broader survey of 44 nations conducted in 2002, which covers attitudes on globalization, democratization and the role of Islam in governance and society.

While the postwar poll paints a mostly negative picture of the image of America, its people and policies, the broader Pew Global Attitudes survey shows wide support for the fundamental economic and political values that the U.S. has long promoted. Globalization, the free market model and democratic ideals are accepted in all corners of the world. Most notably, the 44-nation survey found strong democratic aspirations in most of the Muslim publics surveyed. The postwar update confirms that these aspirations remain intact despite the war and its attendant controversies.

The new survey shows, however, that public confidence in the United Nations is a major victim of the conflict in Iraq. Positive ratings for the world body have tumbled in nearly every country for which benchmark measures are available. Majorities or pluralities in most countries believe that the war in Iraq showed the U.N. to be not so important any more. The idea that the U.N. is less relevant is much more prevalent now than it was just before the war, and is shared by people in countries that backed the war, the U.S. and Great Britain, as well as in nations that opposed it, notably France and Germany.

In addition, majorities in five of seven NATO countries surveyed support a more independent relationship with the U.S. on diplomatic and security affairs. Fully three-quarters in France (76%), and solid majorities in Turkey (62%), Spain (62%), Italy (61%) and Germany (57%) believe Western Europe should take a more independent approach than it has in the past.¹

The British and Americans disagree — narrow majorities in both countries want the partnership between the U.S. and Western Europe to remain as close as ever. But the percentage of Americans favoring continued close ties with Western Europe has fallen — from 62% before the war to 53% in the current survey. In fact, the American people have cooled on France and Germany as much as the French and Germans have cooled on the U.S.

In Western Europe, negative views of America have declined somewhat since just prior to the war in Iraq, when anti-war sentiment peaked. But since last summer, favorable opinions of the U.S have slipped in nearly every country for which trend measures are available. Views of the American people, while still largely favorable, have fallen as well. The belief that the U.S. pursues a unilateralist foreign policy, which had been extensive last summer, has only grown in the war’s aftermath.

In Great Britain and Italy, positive opinions of the U.S. increased considerably since just before the war (see Chapter 1). Of the 21 publics surveyed in the new poll, overall support for the United States is greatest by far in Israel, where 79% view the U.S. favorably. Israelis also express near-universal support for the U.S.-led war on terrorism, with 85% favoring the fight against terrorism. Majorities in Western Europe and Australia also back the war on terrorism, but support has slipped since last summer in both France and Germany (15 points in France, 10 points in Germany).

In addition, the bottom has fallen out of support for America in most of the Muslim world. Negative views of the U.S. among Muslims, which had been largely limited to countries in the Middle East, have spread to Muslim populations in Indonesia and Nigeria. Since last summer, favorable ratings for the U.S. have fallen from 61% to 15% in Indonesia and from 71% to 38% among Muslims in Nigeria.

In the wake of the war, a growing percentage of Muslims see serious threats to Islam. Specifically, majorities in seven of eight Muslim populations surveyed express worries that the U.S. might become a military threat to their countries. Even in Kuwait, where people have a generally favorable view of the United States, 53% voice at least some concern that the U.S. could someday pose a threat.

Support for the U.S.-led war on terrorism also has fallen in most Muslim publics. Equally significant, solid majorities in the Palestinian Authority, Indonesia and Jordan — and nearly half of those in Morocco and Pakistan — say they have at least some confidence in Osama bin Laden to “do the right thing regarding world affairs.” Fully 71% of Palestinians say they have confidence in bin Laden in this regard.

More generally, the postwar update survey of 16,000 respondents finds, in most countries that are friendly to the United States, only modest percentages have confidence that President Bush will do the right thing in international affairs. People in most countries rate Vladimir Putin, Gerhard Schroeder, Jacques Chirac and Tony Blair more highly than they do Bush. The president also ranks slightly behind Blair in the United States, mostly due to political partisanship. Nearly all Republicans (95%) express confidence in Bush, compared with 64% of Democrats.

War Views Entrenched

The war itself did little to change opinions about the merits of using force in Iraq. In countries where there was strong opposition to the war, people overwhelmingly believe their governments made the right decision to stay out of the conflict. In countries that backed the war, with the notable exception of Spain, publics believe their governments made the right decision. In Great Britain, support for the war has grown following its successful outcome. A majority of Turks oppose even the limited help their government offered the U.S. during the war, while Kuwaitis largely approve of their government’s support for the military effort.

Opinion about the war is strongly related to perceptions of how the U.S. and its allies conducted the war and are managing its aftermath. In countries opposed to the war, there is a widespread belief the coalition did not try hard enough to avoid civilian casualties. By contrast, solid majorities in most of the coalition countries, as well as Israel, believe the U.S. and its allies did make a serious attempt to spare civilians. Eight-in-ten Americans (82%) feel that way, the highest percentage of any population surveyed.

A somewhat different pattern is apparent in attitudes toward the postwar reconstruction of Iraq. Americans generally believe the allies are taking the needs of the Iraqi people into account. But there is less support for that point of view elsewhere, even in Great Britain, Australia and Israel. Muslim publics generally believe the United States and its allies are doing only a fair or poor job in addressing the needs of the Iraqi people in the postwar reconstruction.

There also is widespread disappointment among Muslims that Iraq did not put up more of a fight against the U.S. and its allies. Overwhelming majorities in Morocco (93%), Jordan (91%), Lebanon (82%), Turkey (82%), Indonesia (82%), and the Palestinian Authority (81%) say they are disappointed the Iraqi military put up so little resistance. Many others around the world share that view, including people in South Korea (58%), Brazil (50%) and Russia (45%).

Still, even in countries that staunchly opposed the war many people believe that Iraqis will be better off now that Saddam Hussein has been removed from power. Solid majorities in Western Europe believe the Iraqi people will be better off, as do eight-in-ten Kuwaitis and half of the Lebanese. But substantial majorities elsewhere, notably in Jordan and the Palestinian Authority, say Iraqis will be worse off now that Hussein has been deposed.

The postwar update shows limited optimism for a surge of democratic reform in the Middle East. Substantial minorities of Muslims in many countries say the region will become somewhat more democratic, but only in Kuwait do as many as half predict the Middle East will become much more democratic. Expectations of major political changes in the Middle East are modest in countries that participated in the war. Just 16% in Great Britain, 14% in the U.S. and 10% in Australia think that the Middle East will become much more democratic.

U.S. Favors Israel

U.S. policies toward the Middle East come under considerable criticism in the new poll. In 20 of 21 populations surveyed — Americans are the only exception — pluralities or majorities believe the United States favors Israel over the Palestinians too much. This opinion is shared in Israel; 47% of Israelis believe that the U.S. favors Israel too much, while 38% say the policy is fair and 11% think the U.S. favors the Palestinians too much.

But Israel is the only country, aside from the U.S., in which a majority says that U.S. policies lead to more stability in the region. Most Muslim populations think U.S. policies bring less stability to the Middle East, while people elsewhere are divided in their evaluations of the impact of U.S. policies.

More broadly, the postwar survey asked people their views on the conflict between the Israelis and Palestinians. By wide margins, most Muslim populations doubt that a way can be found for the state of Israel to exist so that the rights and needs of the Palestinian people are met. Eight-in-ten residents of the Palestinian Authority express this opinion. But Arabs in Israel, who voice the same criticisms of U.S. policy in the Middle East as do other Muslims, generally believe that a way can be found for the state of Israel to exist so that Palestinian rights and needs are addressed. In fact, Arabs in Israel are nearly as likely as Jews to hold that opinion (62% of Arabs, 68% of Jews).

Outside of the Muslim world, there is general agreement that there is a way to ensure Israel’s existence and meet the needs of Palestinians. This view is widely shared in North America and Western Europe.

As people around the world contemplate emerging security threats, countries in the Middle East — Iran and Syria — are viewed as less of a danger than North Korea. Majorities in most countries see North Korea as at least a moderate threat to Asian stability and world peace, while nearly four-in-ten in Australia (39%), the U.S. (38%) and Germany (37%) view North Korea as a great danger. However, just 28% of South Koreans agree that North Korea presents a major threat to regional stability. Israelis have a different sense of potential threats than do people elsewhere. More than half of Israelis (54%) say Iran presents a great threat to the Middle East, twice the proportion in the next closest country (U.S. at 26%).

Democracy Can Work Here

Despite soaring anti-Americanism and substantial support for Osama bin Laden, there is considerable appetite in the Muslim world for democratic freedoms. The broader, 44-nation survey shows that people in Muslim countries place a high value on freedom of expression, freedom of the press, multi-party systems and equal treatment under the law. This includes people living in kingdoms such as Jordan and Kuwait, as well as those in authoritarian states like Uzbekistan and Pakistan. In fact, many of the Muslim publics polled expressed a stronger desire for democratic freedoms than the publics in some nations of Eastern Europe, notably Russia and Bulgaria.

The postwar update finds that in most Muslim populations, large majorities continue to believe that Western-style democracy can work in their countries. This is the case in predominantly Muslim countries like Kuwait (83%) and Bangladesh (57%), but also in religiously diverse countries like Nigeria (75%). There are no substantive differences between Muslims and non-Muslims in Nigeria on this point. Only in Indonesia and Turkey do substantial percentages say democracy is a Western way of doing things that would not work in their countries (53%, 37%).

At the same time, most Muslims also support a prominent — and in some cases expanding — role for Islam and religious leaders in the political life of their countries. Yet that opinion does not diminish Muslim support for a system of governance that ensures the same civil liberties and political rights enjoyed by democracies.

In religiously diverse countries, Muslims generally favor keeping religion a private matter at the same rates as non-Muslims. In Nigeria, for example, six-in-ten Muslims and the same proportion of non-Muslims completely agree that religion should be kept separate from government policy. In Lebanon, there are only modest differences on this point between Muslims and non-Muslims.

U.S. Ideals Backed — Mostly

The broad desire for democracy in Muslim countries and elsewhere is but one indication of the global acceptance of ideas and principles espoused by the United States. The major survey also shows that the free market model has been embraced by people almost everywhere, whether in Eastern Europe, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, or Asia. Majorities in 33 of the 44 nations surveyed feel that people are better off in a free-market economy, even if that leads to disparities in wealth and income. Despite the protests in recent years against globalization and America’s role in fostering it, people are surprisingly accepting of the increased interconnectedness that defines globalization.

This is not to say that they accept democracy and capitalism without qualification, or that they are not concerned about many of the problems of modern life. By and large, however, the people of the world accept the concepts and values that underlie the American approach to governance and business.

Yet there are profound differences in the way Americans and people in other countries — especially Western Europeans — view such fundamental issues as the limits of personal freedom and the role of government in helping the poor. Americans are more individualistic and favor a less compassionate government than do Europeans and others. Nearly two-thirds of Americans (65%) believe success is not outside of their control. Except for Canadians (63%), most of the world disagrees. Among 44 nations surveyed, the U.S. has one of the highest percentages of people who think that most people who fail in life have themselves to blame, rather than society.

Accordingly, Americans care more about personal freedom than government assurances of social justice. Fully 58% of Americans say it is more important to have the freedom to pursue personal goals without government interference, while just 34% say it is more important for government to guarantee that no one is in need. In most other nations, majorities embrace the opposite view. And while most Americans support a social safety net, they are less strongly committed than other peoples to their government taking care of citizens who cannot take care of themselves.

Many Want Democracy, Fewer Have It

People everywhere are united by their desire for honest multiparty elections, freedom of speech and religion and an impartial judiciary. A fair judiciary is seen as especially important; in most countries it is more highly valued than free elections.

Yet there is a widespread sense that these democratic aspirations are not being fulfilled. In Eastern Europe, only in the Czech Republic does a majority (58%) say they have honest, multiparty elections. In Russia and Ukraine, only small minorities feel they have free elections (15% in Russia, 21% in Ukraine). Skepticism about honest elections and freedom of expression are the norm for almost all of the democratizing countries of the world, but this is especially the case in Muslim countries.

Perceptions of repression in some predominantly Muslim countries — notably Turkey and Lebanon — are as widespread as anywhere in the world. Solid majorities in both Turkey and Lebanon say their nations lack several fundamental rights: freedom of speech, a free press, fair elections and an impartial judiciary.

Soviet Hangover

In much of Eastern Europe, there is now greater acceptance of post-communist political changes compared with Pulse of Europe surveys conducted by the then-Times Mirror Center for the People & the Press in 1991, as the Soviet Union was collapsing. Even so, the legacy of communism is apparent in the attitudes of many Eastern European publics. Only about half of those in Ukraine and Russia approve of the political changes that have occurred since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

More generally, Russians and Ukrainians, as well as most other Eastern European publics, say a leader with a “strong hand” could solve national problems better than a democratic government. Only Czechs and Slovaks favor democracy over a strong leader. In most of Latin America and Africa, there is more of a preference for democracy.

There is, however, a large generation gap on views of democracy in Eastern Europe. In most Eastern European countries surveyed, people age 60 and older are much more likely to disapprove of post-communist political changes than are people under the age of 35.

“Yes” to a Smaller World

Beyond their common desire for democracy and free markets, people in emerging nations also generally acknowledge and accept globalization. People worldwide have become aware of the impact of increasing interconnectedness on their countries and their own lives. Majorities in 41 of 44 countries surveyed say that international trade and business contacts have increased in the past 5 years.

The survey finds broad acceptance of the increasing interconnectedness of the world. Three-quarters or more of those interviewed in almost every country think children need to learn English to succeed in the world today. People generally view the growth in foreign trade, global communication and international popular culture as good for them and their families as well as their countries. For most of the world’s people, however, this approval is guarded. Increased trade and business ties and other changes are viewed as somewhat positive, not very positive.

Despite the widespread support for the globalization process, people around the world think many aspects of their lives — including some affected by globalization — are getting worse. Majorities in 34 of 44 countries surveyed say the availability of good-paying jobs has gotten worse compared with five years ago. They also see the gap between rich and poor, the affordability of health care and the ability to save for one’s old age as getting worse. But people do not blame a more interconnected world for these problems — they mostly point to domestic factors. This is especially true in economically faltering countries in Africa and Latin America, such as Kenya and Argentina.

People around the world are more inclined to credit globalization for conditions they see as improving, such as increased availability of food in stores and more modern medicines and treatments.

While anti-globalization forces have not convinced the public that globalization is the root cause of their economic struggles, the public does share the critics’ concerns about eroding national sovereignty and a loss of cultural identity. Large majorities in 42 of 44 countries believe that their traditional way of life is getting lost and most people feel that their way of life has to be protected against foreign influence. There is less agreement that consumerism and commercialism represent a threat to one’s culture. However, that point of view is prevalent in Western Europe and Latin America.

The polling finds, however, that the idea of “global” forces is something of a red flag to people around the world. “Global economy” is seen as more threatening than “trade with other countries.” People worry about the impact of global trade on themselves and their families even though they believe that global trade is probably a good thing for their country as a whole.

Globalization Foes Fail to Get Through

People around the world generally have a positive view of the symbols of globalization. Large corporations from other countries get a favorable review in much of the world, as do international organizations.

In Africa, people express highly favorable opinions of foreign corporations, while the Middle East is more divided. Dislike of foreign firms is mostly limited to people in the major advanced economies of Western Europe, the U.S. and Canada. Even in these countries, however, positive evaluations of multinationals outweigh negative assessments.

Similarly, the impact of international financial organizations such as the World Bank, the IMF and the World Trade Organization is seen as much more positive than negative in most parts of the world. This is overwhelmingly the case in Africa. Argentina, Brazil, Jordan and Turkey stand out for their highly critical view of these institutions.

In contrast, people generally have a negative view of anti-globalization protesters. The French give higher ratings to multinational corporations than to the protesters. And in Italy, site of a major clash in 2001 between police and anti-globalization forces in Genoa, the public by nearly two-to-one (51%-27%) says the protesters are having a bad influence on the country. It should be noted that majorities in many countries declined to give an opinion of anti-globalization protesters. This is mostly the case in developing countries, but also in more advanced nations like South Korea (61%) and Japan (55%).

But “Foreign” Still a Negative

Most people in the world feel their way of life needs protection from foreign influence, and majorities in nearly every country surveyed favor tougher restrictions on people entering their countries. Overwhelming majorities in the Western European countries surveyed support tighter borders. In fact, Western Europeans expressed as much support for such restrictions as they did in the Pulse of Europe survey 12 years ago, when Europe was less unified. Eastern Europeans also have become much more wary of porous borders than when the Cold War was ending, a time when many people were more concerned with getting out of their countries than with keeping others from getting in.

In that context, Western Europeans take a much dimmer view of foreign workers from Eastern Europe, as well as the Middle East and North Africa, than they do of foreign workers from other European Union countries. This is especially the case in Germany, where 59% say Middle Easterners and North Africans who come to work in Germany are bad for the country; 53% say that about foreign workers from Eastern Europe.

This European concern about foreign influence and sovereignty also is seen in other ways. There are still sizable minorities of people in Great Britain, France, Germany and Italy who think that there are parts of other countries that really belong to them. This sentiment has not diminished — and in some cases has risen dramatically — since the end of the Cold War. Fully 63% of Russians believe that “there are parts of neighboring countries that really belong to Russia.” In 1991, just 22% agreed with that statement. Broad majorities in the Philippines, India, Lebanon, South Africa, Pakistan, Nigeria, South Korea and Turkey also feel that parts of other nations rightfully belong to their country.

As was the case in 1991, the American public has a more favorable view of ethnic and racial minorities than do Western European publics. African Americans and Hispanics are viewed much more positively in the U.S. than are Turks in Germany, North Africans in France, and Albanians in Italy.

Modern Times

People around the world are struggling with some elements of modern life, while easily accepting others. Many people say that they do not like the pace of modern life. Yet they broadly endorse the things that make life go fast, especially cell phones and the Internet.

There is significant opposition to modern commercial culture in advanced countries, where opinions about the pace of life and such modern conveniences as fast food and television are more mixed than they are in the developing world. Western Europeans and Latin Americans are most likely to express the view that commercialism represents a threat to their cultures.

Underscoring the conflicted views many people have of the modern world, people in Africa are the most likely to express the concern that their traditional way of life is being lost. Yet they also are the most enthusiastic about modern conveniences and fast food.

There also is a significant global generation gap on views of modern life. Younger and better-educated people are more comfortable with the pace of modern life. Younger people also have a better opinion of fast food and television than do their elders.

Globally, people have a broadly favorable view of birth control and family planning, with the notable exception of populations in aging industrial nations, such as Italy, Japan and Germany. Only about three-in-ten Japanese (32%) and fewer than half in Italy and Germany (41%, 47%, respectively), view birth control as a positive change. In most of the developing nations of Africa and Asia, 70% or more say birth control and family planning have changed things for the better.

Divided Over Religion, Homosexuality

Homosexuality and the centrality of religion to personal morality divide the peoples of the world. Majorities in most countries say it is necessary to believe in God to be a moral person. But Canadians and Europeans — both in the West and the East — take the secular view that it is possible to be moral without believing in God. Opinion in the United States is closer to that in most developing countries, where agreement is nearly universal that personal morality is linked to belief in God.

Acceptance of homosexuality divides the publics of the world in a similar way. People in Africa and the Middle East strongly object to societal acceptance of homosexuality. But there is far greater tolerance for homosexuality in major Latin American countries such as Mexico, Argentina, Bolivia and Brazil. Opinion in Europe is split between West and East. Majorities in every Western European nation surveyed say homosexuality should be accepted by society, while most Russians, Poles and Ukrainians disagree. Americans are divided — a thin majority (51%) believes homosexuality should be accepted, while 42% disagree.

Women’s increasing role in the workplace is broadly supported around the world. Large majorities in 41 of 44 countries believe the more satisfying way of life is when both spouses work and share the burdens of childcare. Pakistan, Egypt and Jordan are the only countries in which majorities believe it is better for women to stay home and take care of the children while the husband provides for the family.

Although just four-in-ten Americans (41%) have a positive view of national conditions, people in the United States rank as one of the more contented populations in the world. Canada is the only country in the West where a majority of those surveyed (56%) is satisfied with the way things are going. The other relatively happy publics are in less open societies: China, Pakistan, Uzbekistan and Vietnam.

There are great disparities in national satisfaction within and between regions. People in Canada and the United States are four times more likely than Latin Americans to express satisfaction with the state of their nation. There is a smaller but still substantial divide in Europe. People in Western Europe are twice as likely as those in most East European nations to give a positive rating to national conditions, though Czechs have more in common with the west than the east on this question.

Similarly, respondents in China and Vietnam are much more satisfied with their country than are people in most other parts of Asia. In Africa, satisfaction is highest in Tanzania, Angola, Uganda and Mali. All of these countries have economically outperformed their regional counterparts in recent years.

The Middle East/Conflict Area is the only region where there is no apparent relationship between satisfaction with the state of affairs in the country and recent national economic performance. Among these countries, satisfaction is highest in Pakistan and Uzbekistan, though other nations have grown faster.

National Economies Viewed Negatively

By an overwhelming margin in almost all countries, people have a negative view of economic conditions in their country. This perception is particularly prevalent in countries where the economy is performing very poorly: in Latin America and in Japan, where economies are expected to shrink in 2002; most of Eastern Europe, where growth is slowing; much of Africa, where inflation remains strong; and in Indonesia and Turkey, which are actually growing faster this year than last but still live under the burden of huge international debts.

Among the 44 countries surveyed, majorities in just seven give their nation’s economy a favorable rating. These positive attitudes can be explained in part by recent economic trends. In Canada, where seven-in-ten rate conditions as good, both the economy and the number of jobs are growing the fastest among major nations. In Great Britain, which is outperforming the rest of Europe, 65% see the economy as good.

While people are profoundly pessimistic about the current state of their country’s economy, they are strongly optimistic about their national economic prospects over the next year. In 27 of the 44 countries surveyed, a plurality or majority think the economy will get better. Some of the most optimistic people live in Africa – in Mali (87%), Ghana (81%) and the Ivory Coast (80%) – where overwhelming majorities of the people think economic conditions will improve over the next 12 months.

Nearly half of Americans (48%) think the economy will brighten. But only a third of the French (32%) and one-in-five Russians (22%) agree. In only four nations, Lebanon (58%), Turkey (49%), the Slovak Republic (44%) and Argentina (33%) is the dominant sentiment that the economic situation will get worse. In other countries – including most of Europe both East and West, China, Japan and Canada – people are neither optimistic nor pessimistic; they think the economic future will look a lot like the present.

Where Optimism Prevails

People in the Western Hemisphere nations are generally more optimistic than those in Europe. And within Europe, Western Europeans have a slightly brighter view of the economic future than do those in the East. This division is seen starkly in Germany itself, where 42% of those surveyed in what was formerly West Germany think the economy will improve, compared with only 27% who have such faith in former East Germany.

Attitudes about the economy over the next year vary widely in Asia and the Middle East/Conflict Area. Those surveyed in Egypt (46%) are much more optimistic than those in Lebanon (14%). The public in South Korea (48%) is slightly more upbeat about the future than those in China (36%) or India (36%).

Significantly, in many countries in which there is general pessimism over current conditions, most people have hope for the future. In these nations, the public may feel that the economy is so bad today it can only get better in the future. In Peru, for example, 84% of those surveyed lament current economic conditions, but 81% think the economy will brighten within a year. There is a similar combination of deep anxiety about present economic conditions with strong faith in a better future in other Latin American nations such as Brazil, Honduras and Venezuela, as well as in Nigeria.

But in a number of countries – including Argentina, Turkey, Poland, Bulgaria, Ukraine and the Slovak Republic — the public is mired in pessimism, with people thinking things are bad today and will not improve or could even get worse over the next year. The deepest gloom is in Japan, where 93% of the public gives the economy a bad grade today and 89% think present conditions will last or deteriorate.

In Their Own Words…Economy Is Top Concern

When people are asked to describe in their own words the top problem facing their country, the economy also dominates. This is consistent with the finding that in countries around the world, people volunteer the economy as their most important personal problem.

This is particularly the case in Africa and the Middle East/Conflict Area. In several countries in these regions, including Angola, Ghana, Kenya, Pakistan and Turkey, more than eight-in-ten respondents volunteered the economy as their nation’s most important problem, with joblessness among their primary concerns.

Economic anxiety also is widespread throughout Latin America. In that region, general economic problems are cited as the principal national concern in most nations, especially in Peru (84%) and in Bolivia (77%), Venezuela (76%). Unemployment is again what troubles people the most.

Yet there are exceptions to this pattern, including the United States, where terrorism and the threat of war are mentioned more frequently than economic troubles, poverty or unemployment. In South Korea, issues such as corruption, political power struggles, and problems with North Korea are raised by seven-in-ten of those questioned. And in the Czech Republic, Great Britain and Nigeria, more people cite political problems than more general economic concerns. Their complaints are frequently about government corruption and inefficiency.

Rating National Problems

The broad range of issues afflicting global publics is also seen when people are asked to rate the importance of specific problems their country may face. In 19 of the 44 countries in the Global Attitudes survey, more people rate crime as a “very big problem” than any other issue. This is the case in most of Western and Eastern Europe, and in five of eight nations surveyed in Latin America.

Respondents in 13 nations rate AIDS and infectious diseases as the principal threats, especially in Africa where they are the number one concern in eight of ten countries surveyed. Corruption ranks a close third, with people in 11 countries saying it is their nation’s biggest problem. Ethnic strife is the greatest concern only in Senegal, water problems only in Jordan. And nowhere are immigration, emigration, moral decline or the quality of public schools seen as the principal national problem.

Global Crime Epidemic

There is nearly universal anxiety over crime. In fact, in every region but North America majorities in nearly every country cite crime as a “very big problem.” Only in Jordan, Canada, China and South Korea is crime seen as a lesser concern.

The extent of public anxiety about crime is most evident in Latin America. Roughly nine-in-ten respondents in Guatemala, Honduras and Argentina rate crime as a very big problem; no fewer than 65% in any country in the region view this as a major concern. This is consistent with the responses Latin Americans give when they are asked in an open-ended format to name their most pressing national problem. More Hondurans volunteer crime, particularly delinquency, than any other issue; it is the second leading concern in Mexico and Guatemala, where delinquency, robberies and vandalism are a problem.

But crime is not just a concern in poor countries. More Europeans rate crime as a very big problem than any other issue; the lone exception is the Slovak Republic. And nearly half of Americans view crime as a very big national problem, putting it on par with terrorism and moral decline as the top national issues.

Corruption: A Related Concern

In many nations, worries about crime and political corruption go hand in hand, with similarly large majorities citing both as major problems. In Japan, for example, 85% see crime as a very big problem and the same number say that about corruption. The notable exception is Great Britain, where six-in-ten people (61%) view crime as a significant problem, but only two-in-ten (21%) say that about official corruption.

Dishonest political leaders are a prevalent national concern in Latin America. Nine-in-ten Argentines rate corruption as a very big problem, more than any other issue. It also is the leading concern in Peru (82%) and Bolivia (70%), and it ranks only behind crime in Guatemala (84%). Yet corruption also is a dominant concern in Asia and Eastern Europe. More than seven-in-ten respondents in every Asian country, and at least six-in-ten in every Eastern European country, rate corruption as a national problem.

AIDS Impact Felt Well Beyond Africa

As might be expected, concern over the spread of infectious diseases is highest in Africa, where AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and other illnesses have taken a deadly toll. Nine-in-ten respondents in South Africa, Kenya and Uganda judge disease a “very big problem,” while eight-in-ten share that judgment in the other African nations in the survey.

But worry about AIDS and other diseases is nearly as great in Latin America, where overwhelming majorities – 93% in Honduras, 82% in Guatemala and 79% in Peru – see the spread of disease as a major problem. Asians are only slightly less concerned about AIDS and other epidemics.

By contrast, in North America and Europe, where preventive health measures are more readily available than in other parts of the world, AIDS and other infectious diseases are less of a concern. Among these countries, only in France, Italy, Ukraine and Russia do strong majorities think the spread of infectious illnesses is a major threat to their nations. The nation least concerned about the spread of disease is Jordan, where fewer than one-in-four (23%) see such health problems as a big national problem.

Latin America’s Terrorism Fears

A little over a year after Sept. 11, it is hardly surprising that half those surveyed in the United States (50%) say terrorism is a very big problem, ranking it above moral decline, crime or corruption. But concern over terrorism is even greater in countries where terrorist attacks have been part of life for years.

Nine-in-ten in Bangladesh (92%) and India (90%) and nearly eight-in-ten in Pakistan (78%) cite terrorism as a major issue. Terrorism concerns are even more widespread in Latin America, where majorities in every country identify it as a very important problem for the country. In other parts of the world, fear of terrorism varies from nation to nation. South Koreans and Canadians are among the least likely to rate terrorism as a major threat.

Competing Concerns

The level of concern over other national issues varies widely from region to region, and often within regions:

Education is seen as a major problem throughout Latin America, in much of Africa and in Pakistan and Turkey. On average, six-in-ten respondents in Latin America and more than half of Africans view poor schools as a top national concern. The Vietnamese, Poles and Bulgarians are the least worried about their schools.

Concern about moral decline is particularly high in countries with large Muslim populations, especially in Bangladesh (86%), Turkey (75%), Mali (69%) and Indonesia (68%). More broadly, the perceived breakdown in social moral order – as reflected in public concern about crime, political corruption and moral decline – is often sharply felt in Muslim nations, where strong majorities are very troubled by this nexus of issues.

But these concerns also are widespread in many traditionally Catholic countries – Honduras, Guatemala, Argentina, Peru and Italy. Moral decline also is the second most cited major problem in the United States. In general, those least concerned about moral issues live in relatively secular societies, such as Canada, Great Britain and Germany.

Ethnic conflict is a major concern in nations with a recent history of civil strife: Senegal (83%), Nigeria (76%), Lebanon (74%), India (71%), and Indonesia (69%). Racial, religious and ethnic tensions are less likely to be seen as a top national problem in major industrial societies.

Nevertheless, half of Italians and more than four-in-ten French cite ethnic discord as a major national concern, as do three-in-ten Americans, British and Germans. Jordanians (9%), Bulgarians (10%), Canadians (12%), Poles (19%) and Japanese (20%) are the least likely to think ethnic conflict is a big issue in their societies.

Meanwhile, in very poor nations the absence of simple basic necessities, such as drinking water, remains a serious national concern. Two-in-three people in Angola, Nigeria and Honduras, and six-in-ten in Guatemala, Ivory Coast, Mali, Bangladesh and India worry about the quality or availability of water for daily drinking, cooking and bathing. Somewhat surprisingly, nearly half those surveyed in France, Italy and Japan also complain about their water, suggesting water quality is a problem even in some wealthy nations.

Military Widely Admired

With the exception of Latin America, majorities in nearly every nation surveyed say the military is a good influence on the way things are going in their country. This is particularly noteworthy in Western societies. In the U.S., Canada, Great Britain and France, the armed forces are more admired than the national government, the president or prime minister, the news media, or religious leaders. And in Germany and Italy, the military rates a close second to the news media.

Reflecting the unsettled nature of local conditions, overwhelming majorities of Indians (85%), Pakistanis (84%) Uzbeks (91%) and Turks (79%) give the military high marks. There is also very strong support for the armed forces in most of Africa, particularly in Senegal (92%) and Mali (90%).

But in Latin America, which has recently emerged from a long history of military dictatorships, people take a more skeptical view of their armed forces. Just one-in-five Argentines and just three-in-ten Guatemalans believe their nation’s military has a positive influence. Similarly, many Eastern Europeans, including Ukrainians and Russians, show some wariness of their militaries.

Media Heralded Too

Journalists are often the target of criticism in the United States, but 65% of the American public says that in general the media have been a positive force in society. In Europe, news organizations also get high marks. This is particularly the case in Germany (77% positive), Bulgaria (77%) and Ukraine (75%). The media’s image is somewhat less positive in France, but even there 55% of respondents hold journalists in high regard.

In Germany, the media’s image has improved considerably over the past decade and is now among the highest in the region. In 1991, just half said German newspapers had a good influence on the nation. Journalists are viewed significantly better in every Eastern European country than they were right after the Cold War.

Elsewhere people think even more highly of the news media. In every Latin American country, except Venezuela, and in six of the ten African nations surveyed, the news media is the single most respected national institution. Worldwide, only in Jordan, Turkey and Japan do journalists get positive ratings from less than a majority of the public.

Conflicting Views of Religious Leaders

In most countries where the Global Attitudes’ polling was conducted, religious leaders are seen as having a positive influence. More than three-in-five Americans look favorably on their spiritual leaders.

Overwhelming majorities in Africa think religious institutions are a “good influence” on their countries, particularly in Kenya, Senegal, Uganda, Tanzania and Nigeria. It is a sentiment shared somewhat less strongly in much of Latin America, especially Honduras and Guatemala.

But in several countries with widely different religious traditions, publics take a much more skeptical view of the influence of religious leaders.

Three-quarters of Japanese (74%) say the influence of religious leaders is at least somewhat negative, and three-in-ten see their influence as “very bad.” Argentines, as well, have at best mixed views of the effect of religious leaders in their country.

In Europe, roughly six-in-ten Germans and Czechs and nearly half of Italians (47%) say religious leaders have at least a moderately negative influence on society. Since 1991, the reputation of religious institutions has improved in the Slovak Republic and Poland, but it has fallen dramatically in the former East Germany, Bulgaria, Ukraine and the Czech Republic.

Among countries with substantial Muslim populations, attitudes toward religious leaders vary widely. Clerics are judged quite favorably in Indonesia (89%), Senegal (89%), Mali (75%) and Uzbekistan (69%). But just half of the Lebanese and Pakistanis agree. In general, the military is held in higher regard than religious leaders in most heavily Islamic nations. This is especially evident in Turkey. More than twice as many respondents in Turkey give the military a good rating as view religious leaders in positive terms (79% vs. 32%).

Fair Marks for Government

In countries around the world, people are generally more satisfied with their national governments than they are with overall national conditions. In several European countries, as well as the United States, the ratings for government are significantly higher than for the state of the nation.

Russia is a notable example of these widely differing opinions. Just 20% of Russians say they are satisfied with the way things are going in their country, but three times as many (59%) say the government has a positive influence. This no doubt reflects the broad popularity of Russian President Vladimir Putin.

But there are several countries where ratings for government and national conditions are equally abysmal. In Argentina, just 3% are satisfied with the state of the nation, compared with an equally paltry 7% who see government’s influence as positive. Similarly, in Japan and Turkey the public is down on its government about as much as it is on state of the country.

For all of the criticism targeted at Washington, Americans are relatively pleased with their national government’s performance. Nearly two-in-three (64%) think it exerts a good influence on the country. As is the case in Russia, President Bush’s popularity may be a factor in the public’s positive assessment. This sentiment is shared in Canada and in Mexico, which give similarly positive marks to their national governments. In Mexico, four times as many respondents have a favorable view of government’s influence as express satisfaction with national conditions (64% vs. 16%).

This affirmative assessment is generally shared in Western Europe, where two-thirds of the British surveyed feel good about their government; 61% of French and roughly half of Germans share that sentiment. The majority of respondents in the Czech Republic (57%), which is about to join the European Union, also have a favorable opinion of their government. But in Italy, support for Rome is weak. Just four-in-ten Italians give the government good marks, possibly reflecting the relatively large proportion of Italians (61%) who view political corruption as a major problem.

Moderate to strong majorities in the African countries surveyed give their governments good marks. This is particularly true in Ghana (87%) and Uganda (84%), whose governments get some of the highest ratings in the world. More modest majorities have a positive opinion of governments in Asia, with the most favorable rating for the Philippine government. Notable exceptions are South Korea, where only 41% think their government is doing a good job, and Japan, where only 22% give the government good marks.

Respondents in Pakistan and Uzbekistan have overwhelmingly positive views of their government, but elsewhere in the Middle East/Conflict Area people have a more mixed opinion of the public sector. Just a quarter of those in Lebanon and fewer than one-in-ten Turks (7%) give their governments good ratings. The Turkish survey was concluded before national elections there in November.

EU Draws Broad Support

The European Union gets high marks from people in the region. In France, Italy and Germany, respondents rate the EU more highly than their own national governments. That is not the case in Great Britain, where more people view the national government as a positive influence. But even a majority of British (53%) says the EU is a good influence.

In every Western European nation surveyed, including Great Britain, strong supporters of the EU – those that judge the Brussels-based institution’s influence as “very good” – is larger than the number who give comparable ratings to their national government. One-fifth of Italians see the EU as a very good influence, compared with just 5% who say that about the government in Rome.

People in Eastern Europe – with the exception of Russians – also are more supportive of the European Union than they of their own governments, which helps explain why these countries are all trying to join the European single market. This is particularly the case in the Slovak Republic, where three times as many people give the EU a very high rating than say the same about their own government. Only in Poland and Russia does the EU draw less than majority support.

Respondents in Turkey, which has sought for years to join the EU, have a generally favorable reaction to the institution. Roughly half of Turkish respondents (52%) view the EU as a positive influence on their country. Still, opinion in Turkey is somewhat polarized. Compared with European nations, more people in Turkey see the EU as both a very good influence (24%) and a very bad influence (20%).

Government Ratings Linked to Economy

There is a strong correlation between how people view government generally and their assessment of their country’s economy. Governments that have lost their public’s support tend to be in countries where the economy has performed particularly poorly in recent years.

Argentina may be Exhibit A. Just one in a hundred Argentines think the economy is doing well. This is not surprising since the Argentine economy is expected to shrink dramatically this year and it has defaulted on its international debts. Just slightly more Argentines (7%) think their national administration is doing a good job. Similarly, only 7% of Japanese say the country’s economic situation is good (Japan’s economy is likely to contract this year), while 22% give their government a positive rating.

People in other countries with recent economic problems – Turkey, the Slovak Republic, Ukraine, Poland, Brazil, Peru and Venezuela – also hold their government in relatively low regard.

Bush, Putin Most Popular

U.S. President George W. Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin stand head and shoulders above their counterparts in personal popularity. Seven-in-ten Americans (71%) say Bush is having a good influence on how things are going in the country and 85% of Russians feel the same way about Putin. Both leaders are held in significantly higher regard than their predecessors in the 1991 “Pulse of Europe” survey. Bush’s rating is 15 percentage points higher than that of his father, George Bush. Putin’s rating is 46 points higher than Boris Yeltsin.

By comparison, 62% of the French hold a positive view of French President Jacques Chirac (the survey was taken after the French presidential election), while 54% of the British believe Prime Minister Tony Blair is a positive influence on the country. Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien has the support of about half (48%) of his citizens. And Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi of economically beleaguered Japan has the least support among the G-8 leaders. Just 38% of the Japanese respondents give him a good rating.

European attitudes toward their political leadership have generally improved in the last decade, with some exceptions. Support for the president or prime minister has grown markedly in France (approval rating up 11 points), Germany (up 16 points), Poland (up 16 points), and Ukraine (up 14 points).

However, there has been a sharp reversal of public sentiment toward elected leaders in the Czech and Slovak Republics. In the first blush of good feelings after the fall of the Iron Curtain, 68% of Czechs approved of the job Vaclav Havel was doing. But in this survey, only 46% of Czechs have a favorable reaction to former Prime Minister Milos Zeman. (Vladimir Spidla is now prime minister.) Fewer than four-in-ten Slovaks (38%) feel positively about their prime minister, Mikulas Dzurinda. There has been a similar 19-point falloff in approval for the leadership in Bulgaria.

Support is high for the leaders of a number of other major countries. Three-quarters of Indians give Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee good marks. After two years in office and despite growing criticism at home, two-thirds of Mexicans still think reform-minded President Vicente Fox is doing a good job.

Seven-in-ten Indonesians are similarly supportive of President Megawati Sukarnoputri. And Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, whose government is locked in a war with Muslim guerrillas, enjoys equally strong approval.

People in countries with authoritarian regimes give their leaders, such as Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan (95% approval) and Pervez Musharraf of Pakistan (76% approval), the high marks that might be expected for heads of governments that brook little opposition.

The dubious prize for the leader least respected by his citizens goes to former Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit of Turkey: 91% of Turkish respondents thought was doing a bad job at the time of the survey. His government was replaced in the November Turkish elections. Among those heads of state still in power, poor grades were given to Alfonso Portillo of Guatemala (75% negative), Alejandro Toledo in Peru (76%) and Eduardo Duhalde (84%) of Argentina.

Immigrants Unpopular in Europe

Although immigration does not rival other issues as a big problem in people’s minds, immigrants and minority groups are generally seen as having a bad influence on the way things are going by people in most countries. At the same time, people in societies that have traditionally supplied the industrial world with immigrants deeply resent that their fellow countrymen are leaving home to seek work abroad.

Only in Canada does a strong majority of the population (77%) have a positive view of immigrants. Immigration is the source of two-thirds of Canada’s annual population growth and about one-in-five Canadians is foreign born, which may explain Canadian attitudes. Among other major industrial countries, Americans – who fancy their country as an ethnic melting pot – show the greatest support for immigrants (49%). Nevertheless, a large minority (43%) believes immigrants are bad for the nation.

Immigrants are particularly unpopular across Europe. In every European country, except Bulgaria, immigrants are seen as having a bad influence on the country. This negative sentiment may reflect the fact that for the first time in modern history, Western European nations are becoming immigrant societies. People born in other countries now comprise a large and growing minority in all of the Western European countries surveyed.

Negative sentiment is even higher in Eastern Europe. Strong majorities in the Czech and Slovak Republics take a dim view of immigration, as do a majority of Russians – a country where illegal immigration is soaring. Respondents in Poland and Ukraine have a somewhat less negative opinion of immigrants.

Deconstructing Anti-Immigrant Opinion

The survey finds considerable anti-immigrant sentiment in countries with shrinking economies, such as Argentina and Venezuela, where presumably competition is intense for scarce jobs. Yet frequently there is no clear linkage between attitudes toward immigrants and national economic conditions.

In Poland, where economic growth has been slow and unemployment high, people are less hostile toward immigrants than are respondents from the Czech Republic, where the economy has done slightly better. Similarly, unemployment is higher in France than in Great Britain. But the French hold immigrants in higher esteem than do the British, suggesting other non-economic issues may be important factors in public opinion toward immigrants.

Some rapidly aging industrial countries, such as Italy and Germany, which need workers to support their growing retiree populations, have the most negative attitudes toward immigrants. The same holds true in Japan, where nearly a fifth of the population is already over 65; still, more than half of Japanese have a negative opinion of immigrants.

Ironically, anti-immigrant sentiment is quite strong in a number of countries that have traditionally been a source of immigrants for other nations. In Guatemala, which sends thousands of its citizens to the United States each year, 58% of the survey’s respondents see immigrants as exerting a bad influence. In Turkey, which has supplied several million immigrants to Germany alone, half of those questioned say immigrants entering Turkey are bad for the country.

Emigration a Common Problem

Meanwhile, people in Latin America, Eastern Europe and the Middle East/Conflict Area, areas that people have left in droves in recent years for better opportunities in Western Europe and the United States, resent the loss of their fathers and sisters, mothers and sons.

Strong majorities in countries ranging from Honduras and Mexico to Poland and Turkey say emigration is a problem in their societies. The brain-and-brawn drain is not a concern limited to residents of poor countries. More than half of Canadians (55%) and Italians (65%) also worry about the long-term national consequences of emigration.