Nearly six-in-ten Indians (59%) say they are dissatisfied with India’s direction; only 38% are satisfied. This is a 13 percentage point decline in satisfaction since last year, one of the greatest drops in satisfaction among the 17 nations surveyed by the Pew Research Center in both 2011 and 2012. Indian satisfaction now trails that in China (82%), Germany (53%) and Brazil (43%), but still exceeds that in the United States (29%).

Falling satisfaction is coupled with widespread concern about the economy, especially unemployment and rising prices, which roughly eight-in-ten Indians say are very big problems. Nearly half of Indians (49%) think current economic conditions are good, but such sentiment is down seven percentage points from 2011. Not surprisingly, Indians with relatively higher incomes are far more likely than those with low incomes to see the economy in a positive light.¹

This opinion shift appears to reflect the Indian economy’s recent disappointing performance. The gross domestic product grew at an annual rate of only 5.3% in the first quarter of 2012, immediately preceding the survey period, and this marked the eighth straight quarter of slowing growth after a high water mark of 9.4% annualized economic growth in the first quarter of 2010.²

The public is also pessimistic about the economy’s future. Just 45% of Indians think the economy will improve over the next 12 months, down from 60% in 2011. Again, richer Indians are much more likely than poorer Indians to be optimistic. The public outlook in India is far more circumspect than that of India’s emerging market rivals, Brazil (where 84% foresee economic improvement) or China (83%). But such pessimism is consistent with a consensus view outside India that recent heady economic gains are now a thing of the past. In July, 2012, the International Monetary Fund forecast only 6.1% growth in 2012 for India and a 6.5% expansion in 2013. Both forecasts reflect downgraded expectations just since April, 2012.³

Nevertheless, the Indian public is still upbeat about personal finances. Nearly two-thirds (64%) think their own economic situation is good. This personal optimism is not uniquely Indian. In 16 of the 21 nations surveyed in 2012 more people rate their personal economic condition as good than their country’s situation. But the difference in perception of personal finances versus national economic well-being in India is half that in many of those other countries, suggesting that Indians’ assessments of their country’s economic plight and their opinion about their own circumstances are more intertwined than in many other societies.

Indians’ contentment with their current financial situation does not, however, extend to their children’s future. About two-thirds (66%) expect that their kids will have a difficult time getting a better job and becoming wealthier than themselves. This pessimism is widespread among all income groups. It also prevails among those with and without a college education.

Despite their increased economic gloom and doubts about their children’s prospects, half of Indians say they are better off than they were five years ago, possibly reflecting a one-third increase in gross national income per capita over the same period.⁴ This relative sense of economic well-being is particularly strong among those with a college education and those with higher incomes. Moreover, two-thirds of Indians say they have a better standard of living than their parents had at a comparable age. Again, this is particularly the case among those with a college education and Indians in upper income brackets.

Indians’ sense of their recent personal economic progress exceeds such assessments by people in most other nations surveyed by the Pew Research Center in 2012. Indians are 27 percentage points more likely than the median among the other countries surveyed to think they are financially ahead of where they were five years ago and 10 points more likely to say they are doing better than their parents did at their age. Only the Brazilians and the Chinese are more likely than Indians to say that they are more prosperous than half a decade ago. And only the Chinese, Brazilians, Spanish and Germans are more likely to think they are faring better than their parents.

Wealthier Indians are particularly upbeat in their assessment of the Indian economy relative to the views of lower-income Indians. The difference in views between richer and poorer Indians are generally more pronounced than those in Brazil, China or Turkey on a range of economic issues, including whether their standard of living is better than that of their parents, whether they are better off than five years ago, and whether the economy will improve over the next 12 months (for more on other countries’ attitudes about the economy, see “Pervasive Gloom about the World Economy,” released July 12, 2012).

The Blame Game

Among the 45% of Indians who think the economy is doing poorly, the government is the leading culprit. After months of government missteps, deadlock in the Indian parliament and widely-exposed incidents of public corruption, 92% of those who believe the economy is in bad shape say “our government” is primarily or secondarily to blame. However, nearly two-in-three (64%) also say the public is responsible for the country’s economic woes. In finding fault with their government, Indians are not unlike people in most of the other countries surveyed. But Indians are among the most critical.

Given their concerns about the economy, it is hardly surprising that economic issues — such as unemployment and inflation — top Indians’ litany of the major challenges facing the nation. About eight-in-ten say joblessness (80%) and rising prices (79%) are very big national problems. (Inflation was 7.5% in the first three months of 2012, immediately before the survey.⁵) About seven-in-ten (72%) cite the gap between the rich and the poor, with more urban than rural residents complaining about such inequality.

Crime and corruption — in both the public and private spheres — are also seen as major and pervasive challenges. These concerns are widely shared among both men and women, across age groups and among people of all educational and income categories.

Electricity shortages are another Indian concern. About six-in-ten Indians (63%) complain about electricity shortages.⁶ This complaint may stem from the fact that about a quarter of India’s power output is lost through transmission and distribution problems, according to the World Bank. This compares to losses of roughly five percent in China.⁷ Notably, many other problems are felt far more intensely in urban areas than in the countryside. As might be expected, city dwellers are far more likely to complain about traffic and air and water pollution.

The economic euphoria in India over the last few years, inspired by the country’s seemingly inevitable march toward double-digit growth, has suddenly soured. Although still relatively upbeat compared with many other countries, the Indian public’s confidence in their country’s direction and future economic growth has declined significantly compared with just a year ago. In a world where the Americans, the Europeans and even the Chinese have reason to worry about their economies, it is the Indians who have lost the greatest faith in their economic fortunes.

Indians today are mixed in their assessment of their national economy: 49% say the economy is in good shape, while 45% describe the economy as bad. A year ago opinion was more upbeat, with a 56%-majority saying the national economy was doing well, compared with 43% who disagreed. Despite this decline, Indians remain more positive about current economic conditions than populations in most of the 17 countries surveyed in both 2011 and 2012 by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. And Indians are more optimistic about their economy’s trajectory over the next year than many of the publics surveyed in both years (for more, see “Pervasive Gloom about the World Economy,” released July 12, 2012).

Nevertheless, the trend line in India conveys a more troubling story. Just 38% of Indians are satisfied with the way things are going in the country – a 13 percentage point decline since last year. This is among the largest drops in national contentment across the countries surveyed in 2011 and 2012.

Meanwhile, the proportion of Indians who think current economic conditions are good is down seven percentage points from 2011. And only 45% of Indians think their economy will improve over the next 12 months. Such optimism has declined 15 points since 2011, again the largest falloff among the 17 nations with comparable data.

A year ago, Indians’ economic mood trailed that in China, bested that in Europe and the United States, and was comparable to that in Brazil. Today, Indians’ evaluation of their current national economic situation trails that in China by 34 percentage points and Brazil by 16 points. And Indian optimism about the next year lags behind that in Brazil by 39 points and China by 38 points. Indian satisfaction with the direction of the country is descending toward that in Europe and the United States and hope for the future has been surpassed by that in America.

Contrary to their view of the health and future of the national economy, nearly two-in-three Indians (64%) say their personal finances are good. This level of personal contentment is higher than in 14 of the other 20 countries surveyed in 2012.

But Indians are not terribly optimistic about their children’s economic prospects. About two-thirds (66%) think it will be difficult for their kids to get a better job or become wealthier than the current generation. Such pessimism is relative, however. Among the 21 nations surveyed, people in 17 countries are even more glum about their children’s futures.

Not all Indians are downbeat. By a margin of 25 percentage points, higher-income Indians are more satisfied than lower-income Indians with their personal economic situation. Richer Indians are more likely than lower-income Indians, by 13 points, to say they are better off than they were five years ago. And by nine points, they are more likely to say that their children can do better financially than themselves.

These differences by income group are generally greater in India than those found in Brazil, China or Turkey, three other emerging market economies surveyed. And they exist at a time when roughly seven-in-ten (72%) Indians say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big national problem.

India and the World

India’s relations with the rest of the world, especially its neighbors Pakistan, China and Iran, are increasingly important in the realm of geopolitics. But for many Indians, especially those who live in rural areas, the outside world is simply not part of their daily consciousness. Large portions of the rural population have no definite opinion about other countries, foreign leaders or international policy issues.

City dwellers are more globally aware. A 58%-majority is favorably disposed toward the United States and they see America in a more favorable light than they view other major world powers, such as Russia (48%) or the EU (38%). About seven-in-ten city dwellers (71%) who say they are following the U.S. election closely want U.S. president Barack Obama to be re-elected.

Only a third of urban Indians have a favorable view of China. And those who say that China’s growing economic influence is bad for India are more likely to describe relations between the two countries as hostile.

There is little support among urban Indians for Iran (28%), and about half (52%) oppose Tehran obtaining nuclear weapons. Among those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear arms, a 62%-majority favors tougher economic sanctions to prevent this possibility, and 69% believe it is important to keep Iran from acquiring a nuclear arsenal even if that means taking military action.

Pakistan is a neuralgic concern for Indians. Just 13% of all Indians have a positive view of their neighbor. Nevertheless, seven-in-ten overall think it is important to improve relations, including through resolution of the Kashmir dispute (77%), increased trade (64%) and further negotiations (58%).

Notably, Indians and Pakistanis share an animosity toward each other. But both want their bilateral relations to improve.

These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted in 21 countries, including India. Interviews were conducted among 26,210 respondents worldwide, including 4,018 in India, from March 17 to April 20, 2012.

Also of Note

• Indians are divided in their views of 21^st-century life: 49% like the pace of modern life, while 52% complain that their traditional way of life is getting lost. Roughly eight-in-ten (79%) want to shield their traditional culture from globalization.
• Two of every three Indians believe most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard.
• About half of Indians (53%) surveyed believe that it is more important for Indian society that everyone be free to pursue their life’s goals without government interference rather than the state playing an active role in guaranteeing that nobody is in need (25%).
• Roughly six-in-ten Indians (61%) think most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some are rich and some are poor.

In the wake of four years of economic turmoil around the world and political upheaval in a number of nations, very few people are satisfied with the way things are going in their country.

In the 21 countries surveyed, only in China (82%), Germany (53%) and Egypt (53%) do more than half of the population say they are content with their nation’s direction. And, among Egyptians, such sentiment is actually down 12 percentage points from 2011. People are particularly gloomy in Greece (2%), Spain (10%), Italy (11%) and Pakistan (12%). Even in the U.S. only 29% of the public thinks things overall are going well.

And the public mood is quite volatile in many societies. Satisfaction with their countries’ direction is up 14 points in Russia and 10 points in Germany from last year, but down 13 points in India and 9 points in Brazil. Looking further back, since 2007 positive views of the country’s direction have collapsed in Spain (down 41 points) and Pakistan (down 27). But it has improved 20 points in Germany, 15 points in Poland and 10 points in Russia. Notably, only in China have people been relatively positive through most of the last decade.

Publics Downbeat About Economy

The prolonged global economic slump has depressed the public mood about the economy. In only four of 21 countries surveyed does a majority say their economy is doing well. The assessment is particularly rosy in China (83%) and Germany (73%), but also in Brazil (65%) and Turkey (57%). And it is particularly bad in Greece (2%), Italy (6%), Spain (6%), Japan (7%) and Pakistan (9%).

The strongest improvement in public sentiment about the economy since 2011 has been in the U. S., where approval is up 13 points. But still less than a third (31%) of Americans think their economy is doing well.

The contrast in public opinion since 2007, immediately before the economic crisis hit, is striking, not only in its magnitude but also because it is a worldwide phenomenon. Confidence in the economy is down 59 percentage points in Spain, 54 points in Britain, 50 points in Pakistan, 26 in Egypt, 19 in the U.S. and 16 in Mexico in the last five years. Bucking this trend is Turkey, where those regarding the economy as good is up 11 points since the year before the crisis and Germany, up 10 points.

Looking back over the last decade, only in China among the countries consistently surveyed, has the public been upbeat about the economy for the entire period. The economic sentiment among Germans, Poles, Russians and Turks has been on a roller coaster ride.

Some Optimism about the Future

In only six of the 21 nations surveyed do half or more of the population think national economic conditions will improve over the next 12 months. This includes very optimistic Brazilians (84%), Chinese (83%) and Tunisians (75%) and relatively optimistic Americans (52%), Mexicans (51%) and Egyptians (50%). In addition, a plurality of Indians (45%) and Turks (44%) see a better economy on the horizon.

But in six countries majorities or pluralities think economic conditions will worsen, including 81% of Greeks and 60% of Czechs.

Blame the Government

Among those who think the economy is doing poorly, people in 16 of 21 countries fault their own government, some overwhelmingly so. Particularly angry at their leadership are the Pakistanis (95% blame the government as a primary or secondary culprit), Indians (92%), the Mexicans (91%), the Japanese (91%), the Czechs (91%) and the Poles (90%).

Young people in Britain, France, Germany, Spain, Tunisia, Mexico, Brazil and Japan tend to blame the government. And in Britain, France and the Czech Republic, women are more likely than men to blame the government for the economic crisis.

Banks and financial institutions were frequently – in Spain (78%), France (74%) and Germany (74%) – seen as the culprit behind the poor performance of national economies. And in two instances – France and Spain – significantly more of the public blamed the banks than blamed the government. There is also significant criticism directed at financial institutions in Jordan (53%) and Egypt (40%).

A quarter or more blame the U.S. in Egypt (32%), Pakistan (32%), Jordan (31%), Mexico (30%), Turkey (28%) and China (25%). Meanwhile, the Czechs (39%) and the French (37%) also criticize the European Union.

Notably, in seven countries people blame themselves second only to their governments for their current economic troubles. The most self-critical are the Tunisians (68%), the Indians (64%) and the Brazilians (58%).

Nonetheless, most Tunisians are also optimistic about their country’s future and the economy. They prioritize having a democratic government rather than a stable, non-democratic one. And they say it is very important to establish key features of democracy – such as a fair judiciary, honest elections and free speech.

Regarding the role of religion in government, Tunisians are more likely to look towards Turkey as a role model, rather than Saudi Arabia.

Dismal Conditions, but Optimistic About Future

A broad majority (78%) of Tunisians are dissatisfied with the direction of their country. Just two-in-ten are satisfied. Similarly, roughly eight-in-ten (83%) say current economic conditions are bad, while only 17% think the economy is
doing well.

Despite deep concern about the state of the nation, there is widespread optimism. Almost two-thirds (66%) are hopeful about the future of the country, while just 27% are pessimistic. In addition, three-quarters believe the economy will get better over the next twelve months, while 12% say it will stay about the same and 12% expect conditions to worsen.

Supporters of the ruling Ennahda party are particularly optimistic about the nation’s future (76%) and the economy (82%).

Mixed Reviews of Post-Ben Ali Era

Tunisians are almost evenly divided on whether their country is better off now that Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali is no longer in power. Almost half (45%) say things are better, but a similar percentage (42%) believes the country is worse off.

Ennahda supporters are more likely to believe things are better off (56%) with Ben Ali out of office.

Young people, however, are more likely to say things are worse off now – 50% of 18-to-29 year-olds hold this view versus 35% of those age 50 and older.

Democracy Is a Priority, but So Is Economy

Despite gloomy reviews of national conditions after Ben Ali’s ouster, there is significant support for democracy among Tunisians. A majority (55%) prefers to have a democratic government even if there is some risk of political instability. Only about four-in-ten (38%) say they would rather have a stable government even if there is a risk it will not be fully democratic.

In addition, respondents name key democratic principles as top priorities for Tunisia’s future. Roughly eight-in-ten say it is very important for the country that the judicial system treats everyone the same (79%) and that there are honest elections with a choice of at least two political parties (77%).

Majorities also cite the freedom to openly criticize the government (64%) and having a media that can report news without government censorship (57%) as top priorities. Another key concern for the future is that women have the same rights as men (59%).

While democratic principles are high priorities, so are the economy and security. Improving the economy ranks as the most important priority (92%). And nearly eight-in-ten (79%) say that it is very important to maintain law and order.

Much lower priorities are: ensuring that religious parties can be part of the government (48%) and being able to access the internet without government censorship (45%).

There are few demographic differences in priorities for the country. However, women (67%) are more likely than men (50%) to say equal rights for women is very important.

Turkey Is Model for Religion in Politics

When asked which is a better model for the role of religion in Tunisia’s government – Turkey or Saudi Arabia – a majority names the more secular Turkey as the ideal, while just 18% choose Saudi Arabia. Another 15% volunteer that neither model is appropriate.

Young people and the highly educated are especially likely to name Turkey as the preferred model. Two-thirds of 18-to-29 year-olds choose Turkey, compared with 53% of those age 50 and older. Nearly seven-in-ten college graduates (69%) say the same, but just half (51%) of those with a primary education or less do so.

The Future for Women

Few Tunisians are concerned about the impact of the Ennahda-led government on women’s rights. Roughly half (48%) believe women will have the same number of rights under the Islamist ruling party as they have had in the past, while another 17% say women will have more rights. Around three-in-ten (29%) believe women will have fewer rights under the new government.

Young people are especially likely to believe the Ennahda-led government will give women fewer rights. More than a third (36%) of 18-to-29 year-olds say women will lose rights, while just 22% of those age 50 and older believe the same. There is no significant difference between men and women on this question.

As Felipe Calderón’s term as Mexico’s president draws to a close, Mexicans continue to strongly back his policy of deploying the military to combat the country’s powerful drug cartels. Eight-in-ten say this is the right course, a level of support that has remained remarkably constant since the Pew Global Attitudes Project first asked the question in 2009.

Support for Calderón’s strategy continues despite limited confidence that the government is winning the drug war, and widespread concerns about its costs. Just 47% believe progress is being made against drug traffickers, virtually identical to the 45% who held this opinion in 2011. Three-in-ten today say the government is actually losing ground against the cartels, while 19% see no change in the stand-off between the authorities and crime syndicates.

At the same time, the public is uneasy about the moral cost of the drug war: 74% say human rights violations by the military and police are a very big problem. But concern about rights abuses coexist with continued worries about drug-related violence and crime – both of which strong majorities describe as pressing issues in Mexico.

President Calderón himself remains popular. A 58%-majority has a favorable opinion of Mexico’s current leader. Although down from a high of 68% in 2009, this rating nonetheless puts him on par with the 56% who have a positive view of the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s (PRI’s) Enrique Peña Nieto, whose ratings clearly topped those of his opponents when the poll was conducted between March 20 and April 2 of this year.

Whether Peña Nieto or any of the other presidential candidates have a solution to Mexico’s drug problems is an open question for the Mexican public. When asked which political party could do a better job of dealing with organized crime and drug traffickers, about equal numbers name Calderón’s National Action Party (PAN) (28%) and Peña Nieto’s PRI (25%), while only 13% point to the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). Fully 23% volunteer that none of the parties is particularly capable of dealing with this critical issue.

These are the principal findings from the latest survey in Mexico by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Conducted face-to-face with 1,200 adults from across the country, the poll also finds that most Mexicans (61%) blame both the United States and their own country for the continued drug violence within their borders. While solid majorities would welcome U.S. assistance in combating the cartels if the aid came in the form of training, equipment or intelligence support, only a third would approve deploying U.S. troops on Mexican soil.

Overall, a majority (56%) of Mexicans have a favorable opinion of the United States, with about the same number (53%) convinced that Mexicans who migrate to the U.S. have a better life. Despite this perception, most Mexicans have no interest in migrating north across the border, although the percentage who say they would move to the U.S. if they had the means and opportunity has remained fairly steady since 2009.

Army Backed in Drug War

More than five years after President Calderón first ordered troops to take part in controlling drug-related violence, the public remains firmly behind the use of military units to combat drug cartels. Fully eight-in-ten say they support the use of the Mexican army in the drug war, little changed from opinion over the past several years.

Supporters of both the PAN (88%) and the PRI (84%) strongly endorse Calderón’s use of the military. Backers of the PRD are more skeptical, yet 66% still approve of the approach.

Support for Calderón’s anti-cartel strategy is widespread even though only 47% of Mexicans believe the government is making progress against the drug traffickers. Three-in-ten actually think the authorities are losing ground, while 19% essentially see a stalemate, with neither side gaining. This assessment of the drug war is virtually identical to views expressed last year.

Perhaps not surprisingly, backers of the ruling PAN are more enthusiastic about the government’s campaign against drug traffickers: 62% of them believe the authorities are making progress, compared with just 45% of PRI and 34% of PRD supporters.

When asked who is to blame for the drug violence in their country – Mexico or the United States – a majority of Mexicans (61%) say both countries bear responsibility. About one-in-five (22%) says the U.S. is mostly to blame, while 14% point to Mexico. The number of Mexicans blaming both countries is up 10 percentage points compared with 2009, when the question was first asked.

In order to combat the drug cartels, three-quarters of Mexicans would support the U.S. training Mexican police and military personnel. About six-in-ten (61%) would also approve of the U.S. providing money and weapons to the country’s police and military. However, there is much less enthusiasm for deploying U.S. troops within Mexico’s borders. Only a third would welcome such a move, while a 59% majority would oppose it.

Overall, attitudes toward U.S. assistance in the drug war are little changed from last year, although the percentage who would back the deployment of U.S. troops has fallen slightly, from 38% in 2011 to 33% today.

Support for U.S. assistance in the drug war tends to be higher among those who see the government succeeding, rather than failing, in its fight against the cartels. For example, 85% of Mexicans who see progress in the drug war back U.S. training of police and military personnel, compared with 68% among those who think the government is losing ground or stymied. Similarly, those who see success in the drug war are more like than those who do not to approve of the U.S. providing money and weapons (71% vs. 54%). Even on the issue of deploying U.S. troops, Mexicans who see progress against the cartels are much more supportive of such a measure than those who believe the government is not succeeding in the drug war (47% vs. 22%).

Negative Ratings for Country and Economy

Mexicans remain unhappy with their country’s direction, although the national mood has improved somewhat over the past year. Currently, 63% say they are dissatisfied with the way things are going in Mexico – an improvement from 2011, when 76% were dissatisfied.

Similarly, while 62% describe the country’s economy as bad, this is a slight improvement from last year’s 68%, and is significantly lower than the 75% registered in 2010.

Regardless of these negative assessments, Mexicans are generally optimistic about the future – 51% say the economy will improve over the next 12 months. About a third (32%) believe things will stay the same and just 16% think the economy will worsen. These attitudes are virtually unchanged since last year.

Across all of these measures, Mexicans with higher incomes and better education are more likely to have a positive view of current conditions and to be optimistic about the country’s economic future. For example, almost half of higher-income Mexicans (46%) say the economy is good compared with just 23% of those with lower incomes.¹ Similarly, 43% of Mexicans with a post-secondary education rate the economy positively versus 25% of those with a primary education or less.

Crime and Drug Violence Top Concerns

Issues related to the ongoing drug war top the Mexican public’s list of concerns. Three-in-four say cartel-related violence is a very big problem for the country, while a roughly equal number say the same about human rights violations by the military and police. And 73% name crime as a very big problem.

Slightly smaller majorities point to corrupt political leaders, illegal drugs, and the economy as very big problems.

Roughly six-in-ten believe terrorism (62%) and pollution (58%) are very big problems, while only about half think people leaving Mexico for jobs or the poor quality of schools are top concerns.

Despite being relatively content with the overall situation in the country, Mexicans with higher incomes are more likely than others to see their country beset by problems. Specifically, wealthier Mexicans are at least 10 percentage points more likely than those with lower incomes to rate schools (+20), economic problems (+14), cartel-related violence (+10), illegal drugs (+10), human rights violations (+10) and crime (+10) as very big problems.

Given broad public concern about crime, it is perhaps unsurprising that more than half (56%) of Mexicans say they are afraid to walk alone at night within a kilometer of their home. This sentiment has increased slightly since 2007 (50%). Women (61%) are more likely to be afraid, though a sizeable percentage of men (51%) also express unease.

Calderón and Government Get Positive Marks

Felipe Calderón remains popular as he concludes his final months as president, with majorities expressing a favorable view of him personally and describing his influence on the country as positive. Ratings for the national government are also high, with roughly two-thirds (65%) saying it is having a good influence on the country’s direction.

Assessments of the national government’s impact have improved 11 percentage points since last spring, when 54% said it was having a good influence. Views of the government have particularly improved among middle-income Mexicans (+25 percentage points) and those living in the Mexico City area (+22).

Meanwhile, opinion of Calderón has slipped compared with the high marks he received in 2009. At that time, roughly two-thirds viewed him favorably (68%) compared to 58% in the latest survey, and three-quarters in 2009 thought he was having a good influence on the country compared to 57% now.

Calderón is especially trusted among people who say the Mexican government is making progress in the drug war (72% rate him a good influence) but less so among those who say the government is not making progress or losing ground (46%). Meanwhile, two-thirds of Mexicans living in the North and South regions say he is a good influence, but only about half from the Central and Mexico City areas say the same (53% and 47%, respectively).

Military, Media Viewed Favorably

In addition to the national government, the military is also seen in a favorable light, with nearly three-in-four (73%) saying it is having a good influence on the way things are going in the country. This represents a rebound from 2011, when 62% said the military was having a positive impact.

The media is also well-regarded: six-in-ten say television, radio, newspapers, and magazines are having a good influence on the country’s direction. Opinions of the media are unchanged from last year.

Views of the court system and police are not as positive. Less than half of Mexicans see the courts (44%) and the police (38%) as having a good influence on the way things are going in the country. A year ago, opinions of the courts and police were even more negative, with only about three-in-ten giving either institution a positive rating.

Views of Presidential Candidates

Of the three major presidential candidates, Mexicans are most positive about the PRI’s Enrique Peña Nieto. A 56%-majority has a favorable opinion of Peña Nieto, compared with 38% who see him unfavorably. The PAN’s Josefina Vazquez Mota and the PRD’s Andrés Manuel López Obrador are less popular, with only about a third expressing a favorable view of either candidate (36% and 34%, respectively). More than half express unfavorable views of López Obrador (60%) and Vazquez Mota (54%).

While Peña Nieto is broadly popular across Mexico, views of Vazquez Mota and López Obrador vary by region. Specifically, Vazquez Mota is seen more favorably in the North (47% favorable), while López Obrador has more support among Mexicans in the Mexico City region and the South (46% and 39% favorable respectively).

No Party Stands Out on Key Problems

The public is divided when asked which party could do a better job handling some of the most pressing issues facing Mexico. On unemployment, organized crime/drug traffickers, and corruption, the three main parties come out looking pretty much the same in the eyes of most Mexicans. And confidence is generally low across the board: 30% or fewer think any of the parties is better than the others on these issues.

Generally, those on the right of the ideological spectrum express greater confidence in the ability of both the PRI and PAN to deal with these major problems, while those on the left are inclined to trust the PRD.

U.S. Image Still Positive

A 56%-majority of Mexicans say they have a positive opinion of the U.S., while just 34% rate their northern neighbor unfavorably. America’s image has improved since the passage in 2010 of the highly publicized Arizona immigration law, but has yet to return to levels seen before the law’s enactment.

In 2010, the Arizona law had a measurable impact on opinion of the United States: prior to the law’s passage 62% of those interviewed expressed a favorable view of the U.S., compared with just 44% of those interviewed after the measure was enacted.

Today, younger Mexicans and those with higher education are more likely to be favorable toward the U.S. For example, 60% of 18-29 year-olds hold a positive view of the U.S., while just half of those age 50 and older say the same. Similarly, 66% of those with a post-secondary education are favorable versus just 48% of those with a primary education or less.

Better Life in the U.S.

More than half the public (53%) believe that Mexicans who move to the U.S. have a better life there. Just 14% say they have a worse life, while 28% believe life in the U.S. is neither better nor worse. Attitudes on this topic have shifted since last year, when there was a dip in the percentage who said life is better in the U.S.

Even though many believe life is better for those who emigrate to the U.S., most Mexicans (61%) say they would not move to the U.S., even if they had the means and opportunity to do so. Among the substantial minority who would move, half say they would emigrate without authorization (19% of the total population). These attitudes are unchanged since last year.

The young and highly educated are more likely to want to go to the U.S. Among 18-29 year-olds, 54% would like to move north, while just 37% of 30-49 year-olds and 25% of those age 50 and older say the same. Mexicans with a post-secondary education are 11 percentage points more likely to want to emigrate than those with the lowest level of education.

A sizeable minority of Mexicans know people who have returned to Mexico from the U.S., either for economic reasons or through deportation. Three-in-ten are personally familiar with someone who came back from the U.S. because they could not find a job. This percentage is down 10 points since 2009, during the depth of the U.S. recession. Similarly, 32% of Mexicans say they know someone who has been deported or detained by the U.S. government in the last 12 months.

Widespread Dissatisfaction

In the fourth year of the global financial crisis, there is widespread public dissatisfaction in seven of the eight European nations surveyed. Just a small fraction of Europeans are happy with the direction of their nation. Only in Germany (53%) is more than half the population content with national conditions. The mood is particularly grim in Greece, where just 2% of Greeks are satisfied.

There is, however, not much change in national sentiment from last year in five countries where there is comparable data. Sentiment is roughly unchanged in Britain, Poland, Spain and France. Only in Germany have assessments improved significantly, from 43% in 2011 to 53% in 2012.

Compared with 2007, before the crisis hit, national satisfaction today is down by 41 points in Spain and nine points in the Czech Republic. At the same time, it is up 20 points in Germany (from 33% to 53%), up 15 points in Poland (from 18% to 33%) and up seven points in France (from 22% to 29%).

National dissatisfaction is a shared transatlantic phenomenon. Only 29% of Americans are satisfied with the way things are going in their country. That figure is up eight points from 2011.

Economic Gloom

National discontent is rooted in an extremely gloomy assessment of local economic conditions, especially in southern Europe. Only 2% of the Greeks and 6% of the Italians and Spanish describe the current economic situation in their countries as good. But economic perceptions are not that much better in most of northern or eastern Europe. Only 15% of the British, 16% of the Czechs, 19% of the French and 29% of the Poles say their economy is doing well.

And economic despair is profound. An overwhelming 78% of the Greeks and 72% of the Spanish think their national economic performance is “very bad,” as do 56% of Italians. And that strongly negative Italian assessment has increased 28 percentage points since the fall of 2009.

In most countries, the public’s economic assessment has declined since 2007, before the economic crisis began, although a majority of the French, Italians and Czechs have never been satisfied with their economies since Pew began surveying in 2002. In Germany and Poland, on the other hand, public economic sentiment has been on a roller coaster ride, with wide mood swings, often from one year to the next, for the last decade. At the moment, the Germans could not be more pleased about economic conditions. Nearly three-quarters (73%) say their economy is good, up 45 points from the spring of 2009.

By comparison, while less than a third (31%) of Americans say economic conditions are good, that is up 13 points from last year. That economic assessment, while anemic, is still better than that in most European countries surveyed. It is, however, far less than the half of Americans who were satisfied with the economy in 2007, before the Wall Street debacle.

Personal Finances Deteriorating

Europeans generally say that their personal economic situation is much better than their perception of their own national economic conditions. But even that more positive assessment has deteriorated sharply since 2009 in many countries. Half or more of those in five of the eight nations surveyed say their economic condition is good, including Germany (74%), France (65%) and Britain (64%). But that sentiment is down 12 percentage points in Spain, 10 points in Britain and Poland and eight points in France since 2009. Personal economic assessments are unchanged in Germany.

Like their European counterparts, Americans feel better about their own finances than about the condition of the U.S. economy, although the percentage of Americans describing their personal economic circumstances as good has slipped from 76% in 2009 to 68% today.

Europeans are less sanguine about how their current personal finances stack up against how they and their families were doing five years ago. A majority of the Greeks (81%) and the Spanish (60%) feel they are doing worse off. And a plurality of the French, Italians, British, Czechs and Poles agree. The Germans say their family finances are about the same as five years ago. Nearly four-in-ten Americans (38%) say their situation is about the same, while 34% say it is worse and 27% describe their current financial situation as better.

Blame the Banks and the Government

Europeans’ assessment of their economies’ performance varies, as does who they blame for current economic conditions. Among those who say their economy is bad, people in four countries – the Czech Republic (91%), Poland (90%), Greece (87%) and Italy (84%) – overwhelmingly say their own governments are responsible for current economic problems. In two other European nations, Spain (78%) and France (74%), people put the onus on the banks and other major financial institutions. And in two countries, opinion is more divided: Britain (69% fault the banks, 67% blame their government) and Germany (74% blame banks, 70% fault the government).

In Britain, France, Germany and Spain, people ages 18-29 are especially likely to blame their own government. In Britain, France and Spain the people most judgmental of financial institutions are those 50 years of age and older.

Public assessments of the state of the nation, the economy and who is to blame often are rooted in a person’s politics and can divide along ideological lines. In Britain, France and the Czech Republic, countries with center-right governments when the survey was taken, people on the left are more dissatisfied with national conditions and the state of the economy than those on the right. In Greece, Spain and Italy, unhappiness with the national state of affairs and the economy is so profound that it transcends political leanings.

Pessimism About the Future

Looking forward, Europeans are uniformly downbeat about the future. Only 9% of the Greeks, 13% of the Czechs and 18% of the Poles expect the economic situation to improve over the next 12 months. Economic optimism is not much more widespread in France (22%), Italy (22%), Spain (25%) or Germany (29%). An overwhelming majority (81%) of Greeks actually expect the economy to worsen, including 53% who say it will worsen a lot. A majority of the Czechs (60%) and a plurality of the Spanish (47%) and the Italians (47%) also see things going downhill. Views about the future of the economy are relatively unchanged in most of Europe since 2011. But notably they are down nine points in Germany from last year.

Current American optimism about the economy clashes sharply with European pessimism. Roughly half (52%) of all Americans see the U.S. economy getting better over the next year, up 10 percentage points from 2011.

On a more personal level, Europeans are similarly gloomy about potential economic mobility for their children. Strong majorities of the Greeks (73%), the Spanish (69%) and the Italians (62%) think it will be very difficult for a young person in their country to get a better job and to become wealthier than his or her parents. Americans generally share Europeans’ pessimism for their children, although less intensely.

Nevertheless, this pessimism should be seen in context. Compared with their parents at their same age, majorities in most European countries think that their own standard of living is better than that of the previous generation. This includes 71% of the Spanish, 70% of the Germans and even 57% of the Greeks. Among the countries surveyed, only the French (48%) are not sure they live better than their parents. Six-in-ten Americans say they are better off than their elders, a total roughly comparable to the European median (59%).

Shared Economic Troubles

Troubled about their economies and their economic future, Europeans fret in overwhelming numbers about the three horsemen of economic anxiety: unemployment, debt, and inflation, as well as the power of the banks, but not trade unions.

Overall, Europeans are most worried that the lack of jobs poses a major threat to their national economic well-being, with concern the highest in Spain (97%), Greece (97%) and Italy (95%). Only in Germany does apprehension over the size of the national debt (77%) trump the fear of joblessness (70%). Debt is generally the second most troubling economic issue. In most countries, women are especially worried about public indebtedness.

Inflation fears outstrip debt worries in Italy and run neck and neck in Poland. In Germany, the Czech Republic, and France, the less educated are generally more concerned about rising prices than the more educated. Despite their national trauma with hyperinflation in the 1920s, Germans (56%) are less likely than the other Europeans surveyed to worry about rising prices.

The Greeks, with the worst performing economy in Europe, are overwhelmingly worried about all these threats to their well-being.

Americans share these European concerns. And they agree that a lack of jobs is a greater threat than public debt or inflation. But Americans are less likely to be worried about each of these issues than are the Europeans. Roughly seven-in-ten Americans (71%) fret about the size of the national debt. The percentage of Europeans who share this concern is even higher. Nearly two-thirds of Americans (64%) fear inflation; again, the concern in all but two of the European countries surveyed is higher. But unease about the national debt is far more likely to be a partisan issue in the United States than it is in Europe. Europeans, whatever their political leanings, tend to see indebtedness the same way. The left-right divide in concern is five percentage points in Germany, four in France, and three in Britain. It is 20 points in the United States, with only 59% of liberals ranking debt as a major threat to the economy compared with 79% of conservatives.

Structural Threats to Economic Well-Being

Among institutional and structural threats to national economic well-being, Europeans are more than three times as likely to worry about the power of banks and financial institutions as they are to be concerned about the power of trade unions. The Greeks (88%) are the most concerned about the power of the banks, as well as the influence of labor unions (40%). Notably, Americans are generally less likely than Europeans to think financial institutions imperil national economic well-being. Twice as many people in the United States are concerned about the influence of the banks as fret about the power of unions.

At a time of economic turmoil and anxiety throughout Europe, northern Europeans are less likely to acknowledge their economic interconnectedness than are southern and eastern Europeans. Majorities in France (60%), Germany (57%) and Britain (55%) say what happens in other European Union countries does not affect their own personal well-being. Half or more in Greece (82%), the Czech Republic (60%), Poland (55%), Italy (51%) and Spain (50%) think their personal fortunes are inextricably linked to developments elsewhere.

But, when asked about specific external economic threats, majorities in northern and eastern Europe think the economic woes of countries like Greece and Italy pose a major risk to the economic fortunes of their countries. This concern is especially strong in Germany (71%). And conservatives in France are more likely than those on the left to harbor such qualms.

Meanwhile, Greeks overwhelmingly believe the power of Germany and other EU nations seriously endangers their economic welfare – 83% say this is a major threat. Less than half, however, in Spain (47%), the Czech Republic (46%), Poland (40%) and Italy (39%) hold this view.

Fears of European economic turmoil have yet to cross the Atlantic. Only 41% of Americans think the economic problems in Europe pose a major threat to the U.S. economy.

Free Market Support Failing

One casualty of the euro crisis has been support for capitalism in Europe, especially in some countries most adversely impacted by the economic downturn. Around half the population in Spain (52%) and Greece (50%) do not believe that people are better off in a free market economy. And since 2007, before the global financial downturn, support for the free market system has fallen by 23 points in Italy, 20 points in Spain and nine points in the Czech Republic. But belief in capitalism has also fallen 15 points in Poland over that time period, when the Polish economy was doing relatively well.

Majorities in Germany (69%), Britain (61%) and France (58%) still believe that most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some people are rich and some are poor. Europeans with a college education are generally favorable toward capitalism. Men are generally more supportive than women. In Britain, France, the Czech Republic and Greece, those on the political right have a more positive view of free markets than do those on the left.

In Europe, what started out four years ago as a sovereign debt crisis, morphed into a euro currency crisis and led to the fall of several European governments, has now triggered a full-blown crisis of public confidence: in the economy, in the future, in the benefits of European economic integration, in membership in the European Union, in the euro and in the free market system. The public is very worried about joblessness, inflation and public debt, and those fears are fueling much of this uncertainty and negativity.

Europeans largely oppose further fiscal austerity to deal with the crisis. They are divided on bailing out indebted nations. They oppose Brussels’ impending oversight of national budgets. At the same time, Europeans who now use the euro have no desire to abandon it and return to their former currency. And anti-German sentiment is largely contained to Greece, at least for the moment.

The crisis has exposed sharp differences between some Europeans. Germany is the most admired nation in the EU and its leader the most respected. The Germans are judged to be Europe’s most hardworking people. And the Germans are the strongest supporters of both European economic integration and the European Union.

Greece is the polar opposite. None of its fellow EU members surveyed see it in a positive light. In turn, Greeks are among the most disparaging of European economic integration and the harshest critics of the European Union. And they see themselves as Europe’s most hardworking people.

These are among the key findings from a new survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted in eight EU nations and the United States among 9,108 respondents from March 17 to April 16.

European Unity in Trouble

The European project, which began with the creation of a small Common Market in 1957, grew to a larger Single Market in 1992 and then created a single currency in 2002, is a major casualty of the ongoing European sovereign debt crisis.

Across the eight European Union member countries surveyed, a median of only 34% think that European economic integration has strengthened their country’s economy. Indeed, majorities or near majorities in most nations now believe that the economic integration of Europe has actually weakened their economies. This is the opinion in Greece (70%), France (63%), Britain (61%), Italy (61%), the Czech Republic (59%) and Spain (50%). Only in Germany (59%) do most people say that their country has been well served by European integration.

Among the five euro area nations surveyed, a median of only 37% believes having the euro as their currency has been a good thing. This includes just 30% of the Italians and 31% of the French. At the same time, the three non-euro zone countries surveyed are quite happy they have kept their own currencies, including nearly three-quarters of the British (73%).

A median of about four-in-ten Europeans (39%) surveyed think favorably of the European Central Bank, the institution at the center of the debate over how to deal with the euro crisis. That includes just 15% of the Greeks, 25% of the Spanish and only 40% of the Germans.

Moreover, as public criticism of European unity grows, faith in its benefits and institutions erodes. Since 2009, belief that European economic integration, the raison d’être of the European Union, has weakened their national economy has grown by 22 percentage points in the Czech Republic, 20 points in Italy, and 18 points in Spain. And, since 2007, the favorability of the European Union as an organization has fallen 20 points in Spain and the Czech Republic, 19 points in Italy and 14 points in Poland.

Among the Europeans surveyed, only in Germany is there a growing majority that believes that integration has been an economic boon for the nation and a strong majority that says EU membership has been good. And only in Poland, a non-euro zone country that is also not a member of the European Central Bank, does more than half have a favorable opinion of that institution.

Nevertheless, the symbols of a united Europe retain public support. Despite the falloff in EU favorability, most Europeans surveyed still see the European Union in a positive light, including 69% of the Poles, 68% of the Germans and 60% of the French and Spanish. And more than half in all five euro area countries surveyed – including 71% of the Greeks, 69% of the French and 66% of the Germans – would like to keep the euro as their currency and not return to the drachma, the franc, the mark or other national currencies.

The euro crisis has also undermined support for free market capitalism. Solid majorities in only three of the eight countries surveyed – Germany 69%, Britain 61%, and France 58% – still believe that people are better off in a free market system. Moreover, since 2007, before the global financial crisis began, belief in capitalism is down 23 percentage points in Italy, 20 points in Spain, 15 points in Poland, 11 points in Britain, and nine points in the Czech Republic. In comparison, over that same time frame backing for the free market has remained relatively unchanged in the United States.

Deepening Gloom

As might be expected in a time of turmoil, Europeans are profoundly dissatisfied with the direction their countries are taking. This is nothing new. Europeans have been consistently downbeat about the state of their nations for the entire 11 years the Pew Global Attitudes Project has been surveying in Europe. But this year the mood is particularly grim. Miniscule numbers of Greeks (2%), Spanish (10%) and Italians (11%) say their country is on the right course. And satisfaction is down a whopping 41 percentage points in Spain since 2007, before the crisis began. The Germans, however, see things quite differently. More than half (53%) are satisfied with Germany’s trajectory. And such sentiment has brightened by 20 points in the last five years.

Dissatisfaction with their country’s direction tracks Europeans’ bleak assessment of their national economies. A median of just 16% of Europeans surveyed think their economy is performing well. The Greeks (2%), the Spanish (6%) and the Italians (6%) are particularly despairing. Again the Germans differ – 73% give strong marks to their economy. Europeans’ economic assessments have not changed that much since 2011. But there has been a profound negative turn in economic sentiment since 2007. Positive views of the economy have fallen 59 points in Spain and 54 points in Britain in the last five years. Again the Germans are the outliers. They are 10 points happier about the state of their economy than they were in 2007.

This concern about the economy is helping fuel frustration with the creation of a unified Europe. In a number of countries, strong majorities of those who think their economy is in bad shape also believe that European integration has been bad for their country, including two-thirds of the French (67%) and the Germans (67%) who are concerned about the economy and nearly that many Czechs (65%) and British (64%). Similarly, among those Germans who think the economy is doing poorly, 54% think that having the euro as their currency has been bad for Germany. A plurality (44%) of the French who are worried about their economy also are critical of the euro.

Europeans are divided over who is to blame for their economic woes. Among those who say their economy is bad, the Greeks (87%), Italians (84%), Poles (90%) and Czechs (91%) complain that their own governments are responsible for current economic distress. The French (74%), and Spanish (78%) fault the banks and other major financial institutions. The British and the Germans blame both. Such sentiments have not changed much in the last year. Notably, Europeans do not blame the United States.

A Bleak Future

Most Europeans have little hope for their economy’s future and do not think their children will have an easy time improving their lot, yet they acknowledge that, for all their current and possible future troubles, today’s generation is better off than their parents.

Across the board, Europeans expect the adverse effects of the euro crisis to continue for the immediate future. A median of 22% of those surveyed see the economy improving over the next year. The least optimistic are the Greeks (9%). The most optimistic are the British, but still only a third (32%) have a positive outlook. By comparison, Americans (52%) are 30 points more upbeat about the trajectory of the economy than are Europeans.

Among the EU nations surveyed, a median of 47% seriously doubt that their children will be able to climb the economic ladder. Such generational pessimism is particularly profound in those societies most hard hit by the euro crisis. Nearly three-quarters (73%) of the Greeks, 69% of the Spanish and 62% of the Italians worry it will be very difficult for young people in their countries to get a better job and to become wealthier than their parents. Notably, Germans are less pessimistic about economic mobility than are Americans.

Despite their glum assessment of current economic conditions and their doubt about economic prospects for their country and their children, Europeans do consider themselves better off than the previous generation. A median of nearly six-in-ten (59%) says their standard of living is superior to that of their parents. This is comparable to Americans’ (60%) view. Only in France (48%) does less than a majority see themselves as better off.

Pervasive Worry

Despondent about the economy, pessimistic about their economy’s prospects and worried about their children’s futures, Europeans see economic threats on all sides. Nearly nine-in-ten Europeans (88%) surveyed say unemployment poses a major threat to their economic well-being. This includes almost all the Spanish (97%) and all the Greeks (97%). Eight-in-ten (81%) think their country’s national debt is a threat, including again 97% of Greeks. And three-in-four (74%) Europeans surveyed believe rising prices could undermine their well-being. Inflation is particularly a concern in Greece (93%) and Italy (89%).

Greek and Spanish concern about joblessness is hardly surprising. The Greek unemployment rate was 21.7% in the months prior to the Pew Global survey. And in Spain it was 24.1% the month of the poll. But 70% of Germans are also worried about the lack of jobs even though Germany has a jobless rate of 5.6%, the lowest among the eight European countries surveyed. Similarly, Greek (97%) and Italian (81%) concern about the size of their national debt is in line with the 160.8% debt-to-GDP ratio in Greece and the 120.1% debt-to-GDP ratio in Italy. But 82% of the Czechs are also worried about their public indebtedness even though their debt to GDP ratio is only 41.5%. Most strikingly, 93% of the Greeks are concerned about rising prices even though their inflation rate is only 2.4%.

Americans also fret about all of these economic challenges. But they are markedly less worried than Europeans about both the national debt (71% concerned compared with 81% in Europe) and inflation (64% worried compared with 74% in Europe).

Little Faith in Leaders or Policies

Europeans have little faith in the ability of most of their leaders to deal with current economic challenges. Nor do they put much stock in many of the economic policy options now being pursued.

At the time the survey was taken in late March and early April, only minorities of the public in Spain (45% for Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy), Greece (32% for Prime Minister Lucas Papademos), Poland (25% for Prime Minister Donald Tusk) and the Czech Republic (25% for Prime Minister Petr Necas) thought their country’s leader was doing a good job handling the European economic crisis. About half of the British (51%) gave Prime Minister David Cameron good marks on this issue, while 48% of Italians said the same about Prime Minister Mario Monti. But weeks before he lost his bid for reelection, French President Nicolas Sarkozy still enjoyed the confidence of 56% of the French public for his management of the crisis.

In stark contrast, 80% of Germans thought Chancellor Angela Merkel had done a good job as an economic manager. Such appreciation for her acumen extends across most of the European countries surveyed. Strong majorities in six of the other seven nations said she was doing a fine job. Only the Greeks demurred. Just 14% gave her good marks.

Despite their widespread concern about national debt, Europeans evidence little support for further fiscal austerity in their ongoing debate about government spending. In five of seven nations, clear majorities say fiscal belt tightening is about right or has gone too far. This is particularly true in Spain (73%) and Britain (71%).

But Europeans are divided on the question of whether financial assistance should be provided to EU countries that run into major financial difficulties. In richer EU member countries – Britain (62%), France (56%) and Germany (48%) – close to half or more of the population opposes their government providing bailouts. As might be expected, in poorer EU nations, most say other EU governments should provide assistance to struggling nations.

There is general resistance to the recent decision to grant the European Union the authority to exercise limited oversight of national budgets. Three-quarters of the British (75%), Greeks (75%) and Czechs (73%) oppose this loss of national sovereignty.

A Europe Divided?

At a time when it faces its most serious economic challenge since its creation, the European Union is, in some ways, fractured into multiple, often discordant, elements. But these divisions do not always cut along presumed lines. Germans stand alone in their perceptions of their recent experience, their attitudes toward European unity and, in the eyes of their fellow Europeans, in terms of their character traits. But, contrary to their popular portrayal, the Germans do not differ markedly from other Europeans on policy issues. On many counts, it is the Greeks who are the most isolated in Europe. Meanwhile, a north-south split within Europe is far from clear cut.

The public mood in Germany is considerably more positive than elsewhere in Europe. They are the only Europeans surveyed who are satisfied with the direction of their country and who think their economy is doing well. Germany is the only country where a majority of the population currently thinks that European economic integration has strengthened the national economy. Germans are most likely, by far, to say that EU membership has been a good thing. They are the least concerned about the lack of jobs, rising prices and the power of unions. Germany is the most admired country in the EU and its chancellor the most respected leader. The Germans are seen by others as the most hard-working of Europeans and as the least corrupt.

But in public policy debates – over austerity, bailouts and budgetary sovereignty – German attitudes do not differ greatly from those of other Europeans.

Anti-German sentiment is most prevalent in Greece, where a majority (78%) has an unfavorable opinion of Germany, with nearly half (49%) of the population saying they have a very unfavorable view. Greece is the only country where a majority (84%) thinks German Chancellor Angela Merkel is doing a bad job dealing with the economic crisis. And they are intensely critical: 57% say she is doing a very bad job. The Greeks are, by far, the most likely to think that the power wielded over their economy by Germany and other European Union countries poses a major threat to their economy. And the Greeks are the least likely among Europeans surveyed to say the Germans are hardworking.

Their anti-German sentiment is only one measure of how Greeks and their country are isolated within Europe. None of Greece’s fellow EU members hold a positive view of the Aegean nation. And, since 2010, favorable views of Greece have fallen by 28 points in Poland, 20 points in France, 16 points in Spain, 13 points in Germany and 12 points in Britain.

The Greeks are the least happy with the direction of their country and the most upset about the state of their national economy among the European populations surveyed. They are the least optimistic about the economy and the most pessimistic about economic mobility. They are among the most fearful about unemployment, debt and inflation and the least supportive of the free market system. Greeks are the most critical of European economic integration and the European Central Bank. They are the most supportive of bailouts and among the most opposed to outsiders looking over their shoulder as they prepare their national budget. At the same time, seven-in-ten Greeks (71%) have a favorable view of their own country. Only the Germans (82%) and the British (78%) are more nationalistic. And 60% of the Greeks see themselves as the most hardworking people in Europe.

The north-south divide in Europe, a topic of great concern in policy circles in Brussels, is by no means uniform. No country in northern Europe has a positive view of Greece. But Britain, France and Germany still hold positive views of Italy and Spain.

Southern Europeans are more dissatisfied than northerners with the direction of their countries, more worried about the state of their economy and the most worried about economic mobility. But southerners share with northerners their disenchantment with the results of European integration.

There is no north-south divide on coping with the crisis. As might be expected, wealthy northern countries are less supportive of financial bailouts than poorer southern nations. But there is no clear-cut division of opinion on austerity or EU oversight of national budgets. Finally, with regard to the perception of the national character of the residents of southern European countries, the British, French and Germans judge the Greeks, Italians and Spanish to be the laziest people in Europe and among the most corrupt. However, Italians and Spaniards largely share this negative image of themselves and their southern counterparts.

By Richard Wike, Associate Director, Pew Global Attitudes Project

On the eve of the first presidential election of the post-Mubarak era, Egyptians remain hopeful about the future of their country, and they strongly desire both an improved economy and the democratic freedoms they were denied under the previous regime.

A recent survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project found that 52% of Egyptians are optimistic about the future, while just 18% are pessimistic. And 53% are satisfied with the direction of the country, down slightly from 65% in a 2011 poll conducted shortly after the fall of Mubarak, but still considerably higher than the 28% registered in 2010, during the final year of the autocrat’s three decades in power.

As Egyptians head to the polls, the economy is their biggest concern, according to the Pew survey conducted March 19 to April 10. Roughly eight-in-ten (81%) consider improving the economy a very important priority for the country. Only 27% describe the current economic situation as good. And regardless of which candidate wins the presidency, he will face high economic expectations – 50% think the economy will improve in the next 12 months; just 20% say it will get worse.

While growing the economy is clearly a top priority for Egyptians, so is democracy. In fact, when asked which is more important, a strong economy or a good democracy, the public is divided: 49% say the former and 48% the latter.

And despite a tumultuous and often difficult year, support for democracy has not ebbed. Two-in-three Egyptians (67%) believe democracy is the best form of government, basically unchanged from 71% in 2011.

Moreover, Egyptians do not just voice support for democracy in a general sense – they also want specific democratic rights and institutions. In particular, they want a fair judiciary: 81% consider it is very important to live in a country with a judicial system that treats everyone in the same way. About six-in-ten say it is very important to live in a country with a free press (62%); free speech (60%); and honest, competitive elections with at least two political parties (58%). In addition to these fundamental components of democracy, Egyptians also want order: 60% rate law and order as very important.

Meanwhile, civilian control of the military is considered a relatively low priority, as just 24% think this is very important. Overall, the military continues to receive positive marks. Three-in-four say it is having a good influence on the country and 63% express a favorable view of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which has led the country throughout the transition period. And while ratings for SCAF Chairman Mohamed Tantawi have fallen from last year’s sky-high 90%, he is still viewed favorably by 63% of Egyptians.

For more, see Egyptians Remain Optimistic, Embrace Democracy and Religion in Political Life.

Following a winter of discontent Russians express an increased appetite for political freedom, and at the same time strongly endorse Vladimir Putin.

Compared with just a few years ago, more Russians believe that voting gives people like themselves an opportunity to express their opinion about the country’s governance, more feel that it is important to be able to openly criticize the government, and greater numbers see freedom of the press and honest elections as very important.

Consistent with the value placed on core democratic principles, a solid majority (64%) see attending protests as an opportunity to speak out about how the government is run, and more than half (56%) specifically approve of the mass demonstrations that followed the December 2011 parliamentary vote, which was marred by fraud allegations. In that regard, while a modest 56%-majority says they are satisfied with the outcome of the March 4, 2012 presidential election, just 47% believe that election was fair.

Nonetheless, the poll finds a number of indicators of support for the status quo. Most notably, 72% of Russians voice a favorable opinion of Vladimir Putin, while almost as many hold a positive opinion of Dmitri Medvedev (67%). Putin’s popularity is being fueled more by views of the economy and perceptions of social mobility than it is being hurt by democratic aspirations. Relatively few Russians express favorable views of other prominent political figures. Roughly four-in-ten or fewer have positive opinions of presidential contenders Gennady Zyuganov (39%), Mikhail Prokhorov (36%), Sergei Mironov (36%) and Vladimir Zhirinovsky (28%). Meanwhile, 54% of Russians are unfamiliar with government critic and protest organizer Alexei Navalny.

Further, as they have for most of the post-Soviet era, a majority of Russians continue to feel that relying on a leader with a strong hand in order to solve problems is more important than relying on a democratic form of government (57% vs. 32%). In addition, strong majorities say it is very important to live in a country where there is law and order (75%) and economic prosperity (71%). In fact, three-quarters say they would choose a strong economy over a good democracy.

These are among the principal findings from a nationwide survey of Russia by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 1,000 adults in Russia between March 19 and April 4, 2012. The poll finds that Russians are generally divided about their country’s direction as Putin begins his third term as president: 46% are satisfied with the way things are going in their country, while 45% are not. At home, the economy is a concern for many Russians, with only 32% describing the current economic situation as good. Meanwhile, in the international arena, a solid majority (73%) believe Russia deserves greater respect from other countries. The survey also finds persistent strains of ethnic nationalism among Russians, with about half (53%) saying Russia should be for Russians only, and 44% saying it is natural for Russia to have an empire.

Democratic Freedoms More Valued

Against the backdrop of protests over the conduct of elections and the state of democracy in Russia, increasing numbers of Russians endorse the importance of key civic freedoms and institutions. Looking back a full ten years, five of the six measures of democratic freedom tested by the Global Attitudes Project have witnessed double-digit increases in terms of the percentage of Russians describing them as “very important.”

As they have in the past, today Russians place the greatest value on a judiciary that treats all citizens equally (71%), but compared with 2009, more now also value a civilian-controlled military (up 14 percentage points), an uncensored media (up 12 points) and honest elections (up 11 points). The importance of free speech and religious freedom has grown more modestly over the past three years (up 7 and 5 percentage points, respectively).

Although growing numbers of Russians value civic freedoms and institutions, relatively few see these as a reality in their country. Roughly one-in-five or fewer say a fair judiciary (17%), honest elections (16%), uncensored media (15%) and a civilian-controlled military (14%) describe Russia very well. Slightly more (28%) say that freedom of speech is characteristic of their country, while almost half (46%) agree that citizens are generally free to practice their religion.

Comparing the percentage of Russians who place a high value on core political freedoms with the percentage who believe the same freedoms are a fact of life in Russia, it is possible to discern a growing gap between democracy’s promise and practice.

In light of this gap, it is not surprising to find only 31% of Russians are satisfied with the way democracy is working in their country. This sentiment is pervasive across demographic groups. And although those with a favorable view of Putin are somewhat more upbeat about the state of democracy in Russia (36% satisfied), even within this group a majority (57%) see room for improvement.

Voting, Protests Seen as Important

Despite the public’s disappointment with democratization in Russia, the number of people who say voting matters has actually risen. In 1991, when the Times Mirror Center, precursor to the Pew Research Center, first asked if voting gave people an opportunity to express their opinion about how government runs things, just 47% agreed. In 2009, the balance of opinion showed more doubting the power of voting. But this spring there seems to be a renewed conviction that casting one’s vote matters – a 56%-majority now believes this to be true.

Positive shifts in the value placed on voting are evident across education and income groups. Meanwhile, attitudes among older Russians appear to have “caught up” with those of younger Russians. In 2009, just over half (54%) of those ages 18-29 said that voting gave them a say about governance, but fewer among 30-49 year olds (42%) or those over 50 (38%) felt the same. Today, about the same number of 18-29 year olds think voting matters (51%), but more among the 30-49 and 50-plus cohorts now share this view, (55% and 61%, respectively).

Along with generally endorsing the importance of voting, a strong majority of Russians (64%) believe that attending protests or demonstrations is an effective way for average citizens to comment on the government’s actions. And more than half (56%) say they support the protests for fair elections that arose in the wake of the controversial parliamentary vote in December of last year.

While some in Russia have suggested that the protests for fair elections are the result of Western meddling, most Russians (58%) disagree, attributing the demonstrations instead to genuine dissatisfaction among the public.

Mixed Reaction to Presidential Vote

Protests in the wake of the December 2011 parliamentary elections brought to the fore questions about the fairness of the March 4, 2012 presidential vote. Following Putin’s first-round victory, the public offers a mixed assessment of the balloting: 47% believe the election was free from manipulation, while roughly a third (35%) disagree and 18% are uncertain.

Overall, a majority (56%) say they are satisfied with the results of the election, compared with a third (33%) who are dissatisfied. One-in-ten do not have an opinion either way.

The perceived fairness of the March 4th vote is a key factor influencing satisfaction with the outcome. Nearly nine-in-ten (87%) who think the election was “clean” say they are satisfied with the outcome. By contrast, only one-in-five who believe the vote was unfair say the same. Russians who are unsure whether the election was fair, meanwhile, tend to be satisfied (46%) with Putin’s victory.

Not surprisingly, reaction to the election results is especially positive among Russians who hold a favorable opinion of Putin (71% satisfied) and those who feel they are better off financially than they were five years ago (71% satisfied).

Putin’s Continued Appeal

While some Russians may have their doubts about the fairness of the March 4th presidential vote, Putin clearly remains popular. Roughly seven-in-ten (72%) say they have a favorable opinion of the returning president. Only about a quarter (24%) of respondents voice the opposite view.

Putin’s base of support is broad, although he is especially popular among women, Russians ages 30-49 and those with less than a college education. Overall, opinion of the newly elected president is more influenced by views of the economy and perceived social mobility. People who say the economy is good and feel they are better off than their parents are more likely to have a positive view of Putin. To the degree that democratic leanings help shape attitudes toward Putin, those who say an uncensored media is very important are less likely to have a favorable opinion of Russia’s long-time leader.

Dmitri Medvedev, who will now be stepping into the role of prime minister, is also widely popular. Two-thirds of Russians have a favorable view of Medvedev, while only 28% voice an unfavorable opinion.

In terms of public support, Putin and Medvedev clearly stand out from other figures on Russia’s political stage. Among the presidential candidates this spring, for example, Putin is the only one viewed favorably by a majority of Russians. Indeed, on balance, opinions of veteran politicians such as Communist Party head Zyuganov, A Just Russia’s Mironov and Liberal Democratic Party leader Zhirinovsky are negative (52%, 51% and 66% unfavorable, respectively).

Views are similarly negative for presidential candidate Prokhorov: roughly half (48%) have an unfavorable view of the billionaire businessman. Meanwhile, among the relatively few Russians familiar with Alexei Navalny, the online activist and a prominent organizer of anti-government protests, views also tend to be more negative than positive (31% vs. 16%).

Challenges Ahead?

As Putin assumes the presidency for the third time, he faces a public with mixed views about the state of their nation. At home, opinion is nearly evenly split as to whether the country is headed in the right direction. On one hand, more today (46%) than at any point since 2008 say things are going well. But on the other, worries persist. In particular, a majority (64%) continues to describe the economy as bad.

Internationally, meanwhile, Russians show signs of insecurity. Slightly more than half (55%) believe their country is generally disliked by other countries – an increase of 8 percentage points since 2010. And fully 73% say Russia deserves to be more respected around the world than it currently is.

The desire for enhanced prestige on the world stage coexists with a persistent strain of ethnic nationalism. Roughly half (53%) of Russians say their homeland should be for Russians, while 44% think it is natural for Russia to have an empire.

Russians also offer a mixed assessment of their own economic progress. Roughly as many say they are better off compared with five years ago, as say they are worse off. Views on the current economy are much clearer though, with a majority describing it as bad, and relatively few expecting to see improvements over the next 12 months.

Public Divided on Country Direction

Russians are nearly evenly split on the question of their country’s direction: 46% say they are satisfied with the way things are going in their country, while 45% say they are dissatisfied. Another 9% do not have a definite opinion.

Although divided, the mood of the Russian public is much improved from a year ago, when only 32% were satisfied with the country’s direction, compared with six-in-ten who were not. In fact, satisfaction with Russia’s direction is at its highest level since 2008.

Politics seem to be a factor in whether people feel the country is headed in a positive direction. For instance, among Russians who view Putin favorably, 55% say they are satisfied with the way things are going in their country, while only 37% are dissatisfied. In contrast, those who have an unfavorable opinion of Putin are roughly four times as likely to say they are unhappy as happy with the country’s direction (71% dissatisfied vs. 18% satisfied).

Asked how their financial situation compares with five years ago, about a third of Russians (32%) say they and their families are better off today, while 36% say their situation has not changed. Roughly three-in-ten (29%), meanwhile, report being worse off than they were five years ago.

Notably, Russians who say they and their families are better off tend to be the more upbeat about the country’s direction. Roughly six-in-ten (63%) in this group are satisfied with the way things are going in Russia, whereas only 42% of those who say their situation is unchanged share this view. Among those who report being worse off today, even fewer (31%) are satisfied with the country’s direction.

Views of the National Economy

The Russian public’s assessment of the current economy is decidedly negative. Only about a third (32%) describe the current economic situation as good, little changed from the last few years.

Negative views of the economy are especially common among those who are financially worse off compared with five years ago (72% bad) and those who say their financial situation is about the same as five years ago (70%). Meanwhile, Russians who feel they are better off today are divided on the economy: 48% good vs. 47% bad.

Overall, just 31% of Russians believe the economic situation will improve over the next 12 months, while 44% think it will remain the same. About one-in-six (15%) predict the economy will worsen in the coming year.

Among Russians who say they are better off than they were five years ago, predictions for the future are a bit brighter. Roughly half (51%) in this group believe the economy will improve over the next year, while roughly a third (35%) expect the situation to remain the same and just 9% foresee worse times ahead.

By contrast, among those who say their circumstances have grown worse, only about a quarter (23%) expect the economy to improve.