by Richard Wike, Associate Director, Pew Global Attitudes Project

Special to Foreign Policy

Anti-Americanism in the Muslim world, an issue that was front and center throughout much of the George W. Bush era, is squarely back in the news following the protests that swept across more than 20 countries in reaction to a controversial anti-Islam film. The all-too-familiar images of angry demonstrators burning the Stars and Stripes are a dramatic reminder that, while the image of the United States has improved throughout many parts of the world during Barack Obama’s presidency, negative views of America remain stubbornly persistent in key Muslim countries. Much of this animosity is due to continuing concerns about U.S. power and widespread opposition to major elements of American foreign policy. But it’s not just about the United States — rather, anti-Americanism needs to be seen within a broader context of distrust between Muslims and the West.

Following his election, Obama made it a priority to change America’s dismal image in the Muslim world, most prominently in his June 2009 Cairo speech. And he has had some successes; in fact, Muslim publics still generally give him more positive ratings than Bush received. For instance, in a spring 2012 survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, only 24 percent of Turks express confidence in Obama; still, that’s a whole lot better than the 2 percent who felt this way about Bush during his final year in office. Also, due in part to having lived there for a few years as a child, Obama has consistently received high marks in Indonesia, and his popularity has helped turn around America’s image in the world’s most populous Muslim nation.

But overall, the picture remains grim. In Egypt, for example, despite all the tumult of the revolution, America’s image remains roughly where it was four years ago — then 22 percent expressed a favorable opinion of the United States; in the 2012 poll, it was 19 percent. Among Pakistanis and Jordanians, America’s already poor ratings have declined further since 2008 — in both countries, 19 percent held a positive view of the U.S. four years ago, compared with just 12 percent in 2012.

Read the full commentary at Foreign Policy

But Indians, especially those who live in urban areas, are far from neutral in their views. They feel closer to the United States than to China. And they are worried about Iran acquiring nuclear weapons.

U.S., Obama Well-Regarded

A majority of Indians living in cities have a favorable view of the United States (58%), a positive opinion of Americans (57%) and confidence in President Barack Obama (60%).

Such confidence in Obama is one likely reason a majority of city-dwelling Indians (57%) back his international policies, approve his handling of global economic problems and say relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years.

A majority of urban Indians (56%) would also like to see President Obama re-elected. Among those who say they are closely following the election, a 71%-majority wants Obama to have four more years. The American president’s support in Indian cities is roughly comparable among men and women and people of all ages. His backing is slightly stronger among urbanites with a college education or a higher income.

Among the foreign leaders asked about in the survey, Obama is clearly the most admired. Far fewer have confidence in Russian President Vladimir Putin (35%), Chinese leader Hu Jintao (22%) and German Chancellor Angela Merkel (20%). The low ratings of Merkel and Hu, at least, are likely tied to the fact that about half are unfamiliar with either leader.

Indians in cities are also generally supportive of the exercise of U.S. power, both hard and soft. They broadly favor (73%) American-led efforts to fight terrorism and a plurality (48%) backs U.S. drone strikes targeting extremists in countries such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. Most (69%) also admire U.S. scientific and technological advances, with college-educated, urban Indians being particular fans. A majority (56%) likes American ways of doing business. And a plurality of Indians in urban areas (48%) admire U.S. ideas about democracy. Nevertheless, roughly half (52%) think it is bad that American ideas and customs are spreading in India and a 55%-majority of Indian city dwellers dislike American music, movies and TV.

Support for all things American is lower in rural India, in part because of the large percentage of the population that voices no opinion.

Negative Views of China

Facing a growing commercial rivalry, border tensions and concern about China’s intentions in the Indian Ocean, urban Indians tend to take a dim view of their relationship with their fellow emerging market and northern neighbor, China. By a 44%-to-33% margin, more say they have an unfavorable view of China; 23% venture no opinion. And while 40% see Delhi’s relationship with Beijing as one of hostility, only 28% see the relationship as one of cooperation and 21% don’t know.

About half (53%) of Indians living in cities think China’s growing economy is a bad thing for India, and only 26% think it is a good thing. Nearly six-in-ten urban Indians (58%) who think Chinese commercial success is a bad thing for India also characterize the bilateral relationship as a hostile one.

Indians also take a more skeptical view of China’s role in the international arena. Only 20% of urban residents think China is the world’s leading economic power. By comparison, across the other 20 nations surveyed by the Pew Research Center this year, a median of 42% see China as the global economic hegemon.

Iran and Its Nuclear Program

India has long-standing cultural and economic ties with Iran, to the west of Pakistan. At least 10% of India’s roughly 160 million Muslim citizens are Shia, the predominant Muslim sect in Iran.⁸ Nevertheless, only 28% of urban Indians have a favorable view of Iran, and about half (52%) of city dwellers oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons.

Of those urban Indians who oppose Tehran’s nuclear ambitions, about six-in-ten (62%) approve of tougher economic sanctions to try to curb Iran’s efforts to become a nuclear weapons state. And nearly seven-in-ten (69%) urbanites who oppose Iran acquiring a nuclear arsenal say it is more important to prevent this possibility than to avoid a military conflict. Nationwide, among those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons, 56% approve of tougher sanctions and 53% say it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons than to avoid a military conflict with the Iranian regime.

Asians’ Views of India

India is not just looking at the world, the world is looking at India. Among the Asian nations where the question was asked, favorable opinion of India is highest in Japan (70%). This is the most positive Japanese assessment since the Pew Research Center began asking the question in 2006 and is up 11 percentage points since 2011. In contrast, only 23% of Chinese see India in a favorable light, down 10 points since 2006. And only 22% of Pakistanis are favorably disposed toward India. Pakistani appraisal of India is up eight percentage points since 2011, but down 11 points since 2006.

The economic euphoria in India over the last few years, inspired by the country’s seemingly inevitable march toward double-digit growth, has suddenly soured. Although still relatively upbeat compared with many other countries, the Indian public’s confidence in their country’s direction and future economic growth has declined significantly compared with just a year ago. In a world where the Americans, the Europeans and even the Chinese have reason to worry about their economies, it is the Indians who have lost the greatest faith in their economic fortunes.

Indians today are mixed in their assessment of their national economy: 49% say the economy is in good shape, while 45% describe the economy as bad. A year ago opinion was more upbeat, with a 56%-majority saying the national economy was doing well, compared with 43% who disagreed. Despite this decline, Indians remain more positive about current economic conditions than populations in most of the 17 countries surveyed in both 2011 and 2012 by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. And Indians are more optimistic about their economy’s trajectory over the next year than many of the publics surveyed in both years (for more, see “Pervasive Gloom about the World Economy,” released July 12, 2012).

Nevertheless, the trend line in India conveys a more troubling story. Just 38% of Indians are satisfied with the way things are going in the country – a 13 percentage point decline since last year. This is among the largest drops in national contentment across the countries surveyed in 2011 and 2012.

Meanwhile, the proportion of Indians who think current economic conditions are good is down seven percentage points from 2011. And only 45% of Indians think their economy will improve over the next 12 months. Such optimism has declined 15 points since 2011, again the largest falloff among the 17 nations with comparable data.

A year ago, Indians’ economic mood trailed that in China, bested that in Europe and the United States, and was comparable to that in Brazil. Today, Indians’ evaluation of their current national economic situation trails that in China by 34 percentage points and Brazil by 16 points. And Indian optimism about the next year lags behind that in Brazil by 39 points and China by 38 points. Indian satisfaction with the direction of the country is descending toward that in Europe and the United States and hope for the future has been surpassed by that in America.

Contrary to their view of the health and future of the national economy, nearly two-in-three Indians (64%) say their personal finances are good. This level of personal contentment is higher than in 14 of the other 20 countries surveyed in 2012.

But Indians are not terribly optimistic about their children’s economic prospects. About two-thirds (66%) think it will be difficult for their kids to get a better job or become wealthier than the current generation. Such pessimism is relative, however. Among the 21 nations surveyed, people in 17 countries are even more glum about their children’s futures.

Not all Indians are downbeat. By a margin of 25 percentage points, higher-income Indians are more satisfied than lower-income Indians with their personal economic situation. Richer Indians are more likely than lower-income Indians, by 13 points, to say they are better off than they were five years ago. And by nine points, they are more likely to say that their children can do better financially than themselves.

These differences by income group are generally greater in India than those found in Brazil, China or Turkey, three other emerging market economies surveyed. And they exist at a time when roughly seven-in-ten (72%) Indians say the gap between the rich and the poor is a very big national problem.

India and the World

India’s relations with the rest of the world, especially its neighbors Pakistan, China and Iran, are increasingly important in the realm of geopolitics. But for many Indians, especially those who live in rural areas, the outside world is simply not part of their daily consciousness. Large portions of the rural population have no definite opinion about other countries, foreign leaders or international policy issues.

City dwellers are more globally aware. A 58%-majority is favorably disposed toward the United States and they see America in a more favorable light than they view other major world powers, such as Russia (48%) or the EU (38%). About seven-in-ten city dwellers (71%) who say they are following the U.S. election closely want U.S. president Barack Obama to be re-elected.

Only a third of urban Indians have a favorable view of China. And those who say that China’s growing economic influence is bad for India are more likely to describe relations between the two countries as hostile.

There is little support among urban Indians for Iran (28%), and about half (52%) oppose Tehran obtaining nuclear weapons. Among those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear arms, a 62%-majority favors tougher economic sanctions to prevent this possibility, and 69% believe it is important to keep Iran from acquiring a nuclear arsenal even if that means taking military action.

Pakistan is a neuralgic concern for Indians. Just 13% of all Indians have a positive view of their neighbor. Nevertheless, seven-in-ten overall think it is important to improve relations, including through resolution of the Kashmir dispute (77%), increased trade (64%) and further negotiations (58%).

Notably, Indians and Pakistanis share an animosity toward each other. But both want their bilateral relations to improve.

These are among the key findings from a survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, conducted in 21 countries, including India. Interviews were conducted among 26,210 respondents worldwide, including 4,018 in India, from March 17 to April 20, 2012.

Also of Note

• Indians are divided in their views of 21^st-century life: 49% like the pace of modern life, while 52% complain that their traditional way of life is getting lost. Roughly eight-in-ten (79%) want to shield their traditional culture from globalization.
• Two of every three Indians believe most people can succeed if they are willing to work hard.
• About half of Indians (53%) surveyed believe that it is more important for Indian society that everyone be free to pursue their life’s goals without government interference rather than the state playing an active role in guaranteeing that nobody is in need (25%).
• Roughly six-in-ten Indians (61%) think most people are better off in a free market economy, even though some are rich and some are poor.

Similarly, President Obama gets poor marks from Pakistanis – only 7% have confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs. And key aspects of American foreign policy are widely unpopular. Most believe the U.S. acts unilaterally on the world stage, and there is widespread opposition to American anti-terrorism efforts.

A 74%-majority of Pakistanis see the U.S. as an enemy, and most think U.S.-Pakistani relations have failed to improve over the last few years. Moreover, for a growing number of Pakistanis, enhancing the relationship between the two countries is not an important priority.

Pakistanis express mixed views about American involvement in the fight against extremist groups. On balance, there is support for American financial and humanitarian aid to areas where these groups operate, as well as for U.S. intelligence and logistical assistance to the Pakistani military. Support for both, however, has declined in recent years. And few back American drone strikes.

Over the last decade, the U.S. has provided billions of dollars in aid to Pakistan in an effort to increase bilateral cooperation and improve its image. But these policies are not seen in a positive light by Pakistanis – many say that both American military and economic assistance are having a negative effect on the country.

Low Ratings for U.S., Obama

Fully 80% of Pakistanis have a negative opinion of the U.S., up seven percentage points from last year. This view has become more common over the course of the Obama era. In 2008, during President George W. Bush’s last year in office, 63% expressed a negative view of the U.S.

Throughout Obama’s presidency, few Pakistanis have held a positive view of the American leader. Today, six-in-ten say they have little or no confidence in him, down slightly from last year, but up from the 51% registered in 2009. Obama’s ratings are very similar to those received by President Bush in 2008, when 61% expressed a lack of confidence in the former president.

U.S. Foreign Policy Distrusted

Pakistanis continue to believe the U.S. acts unilaterally in world affairs. Almost two-thirds (65%) do not think the U.S. considers the interests of countries like Pakistan when it is making foreign policy decisions.

Although this has been the prevailing view among Pakistanis for a decade, the percentage who say the U.S. does not consider their interests is up nine points since last year, and is now higher than at any point since Pew began asking this question in 2002.

American anti-terrorism efforts have also been consistently unpopular in Pakistan over the last decade. In the current poll, 61% say they oppose U.S.-led efforts to combat terrorism, essentially unchanged from 62% last year.

Most Say U.S. an Enemy

Nearly three-in four Pakistanis (74%) consider the U.S. an enemy to their country, while just 8% say it is a partner. One-in-ten believe the U.S. is neither a partner nor an enemy, and 8% offer no opinion.

The percentage describing the U.S. as an enemy has grown steadily since 2010 and is currently at its highest point since 2008.

Those who live in the Punjab province are especially likely to think of the U.S. as an enemy (85%).

Pakistani views about their relationship with China are quite different. Nine-in-ten Pakistanis consider China a partner, while just 2% say it is more of an enemy.

Relations Not Improving

A shrinking minority of Pakistanis believe relations between their country and the U.S. are improving. Only 13% say the bilateral relationship has improved in recent years, while 58% disagree.

Assessments of U.S.-Pakistani relations have grown more negative over the last year, and have become considerably more negative since 2010, when the Pakistani public was almost evenly divided on this question. At that point, 36% said relations had improved and 39% said they had not.

Those who identify with the Tehreek-e-Insaf party – led by government critic Imran Khan – are particularly likely to say relations have not improved: 78% hold this view.

Overall, the goal of improving U.S-Pakistani relations is becoming less important to Pakistanis. Less than half (45%) say enhancing the relationship is important, down from 60% last year and 64% in 2010.

Limited Support for U.S. Help in Fighting Extremists

There is some support for cooperation between the U.S. and Pakistan in the fight against extremists. Half want the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremist groups operate, while just one-in-five oppose this idea. Still, support has dropped significantly since 2009, when 72% favored these efforts.

Meanwhile, 37% support the U.S. providing intelligence and logistical assistance to Pakistani troops fighting these groups, while 25% are opposed. Again, support has declined since 2009, when 63% were in favor.

American drone attacks have been consistently unpopular, even if the attacks are coordinated with Pakistani authorities. Only 17% favor the U.S. conducting drone strikes in conjunction with the Pakistani government against leaders of extremist organizations, little changed from 23% in 2010, the first year the question was asked.

Supporters of the Tehreek-e-Insaf party are especially likely to express opposition to American aid and U.S. intelligence and logistical support.

Opposition to Drone Strikes

Just over half of Pakistanis (55%) say they have heard a lot or a little about drone attacks that target leaders of extremist groups. Awareness is considerably higher in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (87%), which borders the semi-autonomous Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in northwest Pakistan where most drone attacks have taken place.

Among those who have heard a lot or a little, nearly all (97%) consider them a bad thing. Roughly seven-in-ten (69%) believe the U.S. government is conducting these strikes, while another 18% volunteer that they believe both the U.S. and Pakistan are responsible.

Those who are familiar with the drone campaign also overwhelmingly believe the attacks kill too many innocent people (94%). Nearly three-quarters (74%) say they are not necessary to defend Pakistan from extremist organizations.

Meanwhile, those who have heard about the strikes are somewhat divided over whether they are being done with or without approval from the Pakistani government.

U.S. Assistance Having Negative Impact

On balance, American aid efforts are seen in a negative light by Pakistanis. Around four-in-ten (38%) say U.S. economic aid is having a mostly negative impact on Pakistan, while just 12% believe it is mostly positive. Similarly, 40% think American military aid is having a mostly negative effect, while only 8% say it is largely positive.

Both forms of assistance are held in especially low regard by supporters of the Tehreek-e-Insaf party – 59% see U.S. economic aid negatively, and 61% believe American military assistance is having a detrimental impact on Pakistan.

There is no consensus in Pakistan about whether American assistance is largely military or largely designed to help Pakistan develop economically: 18% say it is mostly military; 17% believe it is mostly economic; 22% think it is both equally; and 43% do not know.

Following a year of tensions between their country and the United States, Pakistanis continue to hold highly unfavorable views of the U.S. and offer bleak assessments of the relationship between the two nations.

Roughly three-in-four Pakistanis (74%) consider the U.S. an enemy, up from 69% last year and 64% three years ago. And President Obama is held in exceedingly low regard. Indeed, among the 15 nations surveyed in both 2008 and 2012 by the Pew Global Attitudes Project, Pakistan is the only country where ratings for Obama are no better than the ratings President George W. Bush received during his final year in office (for more, see “Global Opinion of Obama Slips, International Policies Faulted,” released June 13, 2012).

Only 13% of Pakistanis think relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years, down 16 percentage points from 2011. Strengthening the bilateral relationship is also becoming less of a priority for Pakistanis. While 45% still say it is important to improve relations with the U.S., this is down from 60% last year.

Moreover, roughly four-in-ten believe that American economic and military aid is actually having a negative impact on their country, while only about one-in-ten think the impact is positive.

Additionally, over the last few years, Pakistanis have become less willing to work with the U.S. on efforts to combat extremist groups. While 50% still want the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremists operate, this is down from 72% in 2009. Similarly, fewer Pakistanis now want intelligence and logistical support from the U.S. than they did three years ago. And only 17% back American drone strikes against leaders of extremist groups, even if they are conducted in conjunction with the Pakistani government.

Since 2009, the Pakistani public has also become less willing to use its own military to combat extremist groups. Three years ago, 53% favored using the army to fight extremists in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and neighboring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but today just 32% hold this view.

Overall, concerns about extremism have ebbed since 2009, when the Pakistan military was battling Taliban-affiliated groups in the Swat Valley area near Islamabad. Then, fully 69% were concerned that extremists might take control of Pakistan, compared with 52% today.

While concerns about extremism may have decreased, extremist organizations remain largely unpopular. Majorities, for example, express a negative opinion of both al Qaeda and the Taliban, as has been the case since 2009. In 2008 – before the peak of the Swat Valley conflict – pluralities expressed no opinion about these organizations.

When Pakistanis are asked more specifically about the Afghan Taliban and Tehrik-i-Taliban (also known as the TTP or Pakistan Taliban), opinions are again, on balance, negative, as they were in both 2010 and 2011.

Views are somewhat more mixed, however, regarding Lashkar-e-Taiba, a radical group active in Kashmir and widely blamed for the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Roughly one-in-five Pakistanis (22%) have a favorable view of Lashkar-e-Taiba, while 37% give it a negative rating and 41% offer no opinion.

Meanwhile, a solid majority (64%) offers no opinion about the Haqqani network, a group associated with the Taliban that is active on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, but is largely believed to be based in the FATA region of Pakistan.

Respondents in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province consistently express more negative views about extremist groups than those in other provinces. Al Qaeda, the Taliban, Tehrik-i-Taliban, the Afghan Taliban and Lashkar-e-Taiba all receive especially poor ratings in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistanis who pray five times per day are also more likely than those who pray less often to offer negative views of extremist groups.

These are among the key findings from a survey of Pakistan by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 1,206 respondents between March 28 and April 13. The sample covers approximately 82% of the Pakistani population.¹ The poll in Pakistan is part of the larger 21-nation spring 2012 Pew Global Attitudes survey. Throughout the report, unless otherwise noted, trends from 2011 refer to a survey conducted in Pakistan from May 8-15, 2011, following the May 2, 2011 U.S. military raid that killed Osama bin Laden.² The May 2011 survey showed that, with a few exceptions, the killing of bin Laden had little impact on America’s already low ratings in Pakistan. The current poll reveals that, in some key areas, Pakistani views of the relationship between the two countries have become even more negative in the year since the Abbottabad raid.

High Marks for Khan, Low Ratings for Zardari, Gilani

Pakistanis continue to express considerable discontent with conditions in their own country. About nine-in-ten (87%) are dissatisfied with the country’s direction, barely changed from last year’s 92%. Similarly, 89% describe the national economic situation as bad; 85% held this view in 2011. And overwhelming majorities rate unemployment, crime, terrorism, and corruption as very big problems.

The dismal public mood is reflected in poor ratings for the leaders of the incumbent Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), President Asif Ali Zardari and former Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani. Only 14% view Zardari favorably, little changed from last year, but down significantly from 64% in 2008. Gilani, who was recently convicted of contempt and dismissed from office by Pakistan’s highest court, fares only somewhat better, at 36% favorable. Gilani received similarly poor ratings last year, although as recently as 2010 a majority of Pakistanis expressed a favorable view of him.

The most popular leader included on the survey is Imran Khan. Seven-in-ten Pakistanis offer a favorable opinion of the former cricket star and leader of the Pakistani Tehreek-e-Insaf party (PTI). This is essentially unchanged from last year, but up significantly from 2010.

Former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is also generally well-regarded – about six-in-ten offer a positive view of the leader of the country’s main opposition party, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N). Sharif has consistently received high marks in recent years, although his ratings are down somewhat from the 79% registered in 2009.

Slightly more than half rate Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani and Chief Justice Iftikhar Muhammad Chaudhry favorably. Ratings for both the army chief and the chief justice have slipped slightly since 2010. Former President (and military chief) Pervez Musharraf, who has occasionally suggested he may return to Pakistani politics, receives relatively poor ratings.

Meanwhile, the military continues to receive overwhelmingly positive marks from the Pakistani public – 77% say the institution is having a good influence on the country. Roughly six-in-ten (58%) also say this about the court system.

Negative Views of India

Only 22% of Pakistanis have a favorable view of traditional rival India, although this is actually a slight improvement from 14% last year. Moreover, when asked which is the biggest threat to their country, India, the Taliban, or al Qaeda, 59% name India.

Pakistanis have consistently identified India as the top threat since the question was first asked in 2009. The percentage fearing India has increased by 11 points since then, while the percentage naming the Taliban has decreased by nine points.

Despite these negative sentiments, 62% of Pakistanis say it is important to improve relations with India. And roughly two-thirds support more bilateral trade and further talks to try to reduce tensions between the two nations.

Most Indians also want better relations, more trade, and further talks between the two nations. Still, Indian attitudes toward Pakistan remain largely negative. Roughly six-in-ten Indians (59%) express an unfavorable opinion of Pakistan, although this is down slightly from 65% in 2011.

India is not the only country, however, where negative views of Pakistan prevail. Majorities or pluralities give Pakistan a negative rating in six of the seven other countries where this question was asked, including China, Japan, and three predominantly Muslim nations – Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia.

Also of Note

• A 43%-plurality of Pakistanis expect the economy to get worse over the next 12 months, while just 26% think it will improve. Still, there is more optimism than in 2011, when 60% said the country’s economic situation would worsen in the coming year.
• China continues to receive high marks in Pakistan. Nine-in-ten Pakistanis consider China a partner; only 2% say it is more of an enemy.
• Pakistanis and Indians agree that Kashmir should be a priority for their countries. Roughly eight-in-ten Pakistanis and about six-in-ten Indians say it is very important to resolve the dispute over Kashmir.
• Those who identify with Imran Khan’s Tehreek-e-Insaf party are especially likely to oppose American involvement in the battle against extremist groups in Pakistan, including American aid to areas where extremists operate and intelligence and logistical support to the Pakistani army.

As Felipe Calderón’s term as Mexico’s president draws to a close, Mexicans continue to strongly back his policy of deploying the military to combat the country’s powerful drug cartels. Eight-in-ten say this is the right course, a level of support that has remained remarkably constant since the Pew Global Attitudes Project first asked the question in 2009.

Support for Calderón’s strategy continues despite limited confidence that the government is winning the drug war, and widespread concerns about its costs. Just 47% believe progress is being made against drug traffickers, virtually identical to the 45% who held this opinion in 2011. Three-in-ten today say the government is actually losing ground against the cartels, while 19% see no change in the stand-off between the authorities and crime syndicates.

At the same time, the public is uneasy about the moral cost of the drug war: 74% say human rights violations by the military and police are a very big problem. But concern about rights abuses coexist with continued worries about drug-related violence and crime – both of which strong majorities describe as pressing issues in Mexico.

President Calderón himself remains popular. A 58%-majority has a favorable opinion of Mexico’s current leader. Although down from a high of 68% in 2009, this rating nonetheless puts him on par with the 56% who have a positive view of the Institutional Revolutionary Party’s (PRI’s) Enrique Peña Nieto, whose ratings clearly topped those of his opponents when the poll was conducted between March 20 and April 2 of this year.

Whether Peña Nieto or any of the other presidential candidates have a solution to Mexico’s drug problems is an open question for the Mexican public. When asked which political party could do a better job of dealing with organized crime and drug traffickers, about equal numbers name Calderón’s National Action Party (PAN) (28%) and Peña Nieto’s PRI (25%), while only 13% point to the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD). Fully 23% volunteer that none of the parties is particularly capable of dealing with this critical issue.

These are the principal findings from the latest survey in Mexico by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Conducted face-to-face with 1,200 adults from across the country, the poll also finds that most Mexicans (61%) blame both the United States and their own country for the continued drug violence within their borders. While solid majorities would welcome U.S. assistance in combating the cartels if the aid came in the form of training, equipment or intelligence support, only a third would approve deploying U.S. troops on Mexican soil.

Overall, a majority (56%) of Mexicans have a favorable opinion of the United States, with about the same number (53%) convinced that Mexicans who migrate to the U.S. have a better life. Despite this perception, most Mexicans have no interest in migrating north across the border, although the percentage who say they would move to the U.S. if they had the means and opportunity has remained fairly steady since 2009.

Army Backed in Drug War

More than five years after President Calderón first ordered troops to take part in controlling drug-related violence, the public remains firmly behind the use of military units to combat drug cartels. Fully eight-in-ten say they support the use of the Mexican army in the drug war, little changed from opinion over the past several years.

Supporters of both the PAN (88%) and the PRI (84%) strongly endorse Calderón’s use of the military. Backers of the PRD are more skeptical, yet 66% still approve of the approach.

Support for Calderón’s anti-cartel strategy is widespread even though only 47% of Mexicans believe the government is making progress against the drug traffickers. Three-in-ten actually think the authorities are losing ground, while 19% essentially see a stalemate, with neither side gaining. This assessment of the drug war is virtually identical to views expressed last year.

Perhaps not surprisingly, backers of the ruling PAN are more enthusiastic about the government’s campaign against drug traffickers: 62% of them believe the authorities are making progress, compared with just 45% of PRI and 34% of PRD supporters.

When asked who is to blame for the drug violence in their country – Mexico or the United States – a majority of Mexicans (61%) say both countries bear responsibility. About one-in-five (22%) says the U.S. is mostly to blame, while 14% point to Mexico. The number of Mexicans blaming both countries is up 10 percentage points compared with 2009, when the question was first asked.

In order to combat the drug cartels, three-quarters of Mexicans would support the U.S. training Mexican police and military personnel. About six-in-ten (61%) would also approve of the U.S. providing money and weapons to the country’s police and military. However, there is much less enthusiasm for deploying U.S. troops within Mexico’s borders. Only a third would welcome such a move, while a 59% majority would oppose it.

Overall, attitudes toward U.S. assistance in the drug war are little changed from last year, although the percentage who would back the deployment of U.S. troops has fallen slightly, from 38% in 2011 to 33% today.

Support for U.S. assistance in the drug war tends to be higher among those who see the government succeeding, rather than failing, in its fight against the cartels. For example, 85% of Mexicans who see progress in the drug war back U.S. training of police and military personnel, compared with 68% among those who think the government is losing ground or stymied. Similarly, those who see success in the drug war are more like than those who do not to approve of the U.S. providing money and weapons (71% vs. 54%). Even on the issue of deploying U.S. troops, Mexicans who see progress against the cartels are much more supportive of such a measure than those who believe the government is not succeeding in the drug war (47% vs. 22%).

Negative Ratings for Country and Economy

Mexicans remain unhappy with their country’s direction, although the national mood has improved somewhat over the past year. Currently, 63% say they are dissatisfied with the way things are going in Mexico – an improvement from 2011, when 76% were dissatisfied.

Similarly, while 62% describe the country’s economy as bad, this is a slight improvement from last year’s 68%, and is significantly lower than the 75% registered in 2010.

Regardless of these negative assessments, Mexicans are generally optimistic about the future – 51% say the economy will improve over the next 12 months. About a third (32%) believe things will stay the same and just 16% think the economy will worsen. These attitudes are virtually unchanged since last year.

Across all of these measures, Mexicans with higher incomes and better education are more likely to have a positive view of current conditions and to be optimistic about the country’s economic future. For example, almost half of higher-income Mexicans (46%) say the economy is good compared with just 23% of those with lower incomes.¹ Similarly, 43% of Mexicans with a post-secondary education rate the economy positively versus 25% of those with a primary education or less.

Crime and Drug Violence Top Concerns

Issues related to the ongoing drug war top the Mexican public’s list of concerns. Three-in-four say cartel-related violence is a very big problem for the country, while a roughly equal number say the same about human rights violations by the military and police. And 73% name crime as a very big problem.

Slightly smaller majorities point to corrupt political leaders, illegal drugs, and the economy as very big problems.

Roughly six-in-ten believe terrorism (62%) and pollution (58%) are very big problems, while only about half think people leaving Mexico for jobs or the poor quality of schools are top concerns.

Despite being relatively content with the overall situation in the country, Mexicans with higher incomes are more likely than others to see their country beset by problems. Specifically, wealthier Mexicans are at least 10 percentage points more likely than those with lower incomes to rate schools (+20), economic problems (+14), cartel-related violence (+10), illegal drugs (+10), human rights violations (+10) and crime (+10) as very big problems.

Given broad public concern about crime, it is perhaps unsurprising that more than half (56%) of Mexicans say they are afraid to walk alone at night within a kilometer of their home. This sentiment has increased slightly since 2007 (50%). Women (61%) are more likely to be afraid, though a sizeable percentage of men (51%) also express unease.

Calderón and Government Get Positive Marks

Felipe Calderón remains popular as he concludes his final months as president, with majorities expressing a favorable view of him personally and describing his influence on the country as positive. Ratings for the national government are also high, with roughly two-thirds (65%) saying it is having a good influence on the country’s direction.

Assessments of the national government’s impact have improved 11 percentage points since last spring, when 54% said it was having a good influence. Views of the government have particularly improved among middle-income Mexicans (+25 percentage points) and those living in the Mexico City area (+22).

Meanwhile, opinion of Calderón has slipped compared with the high marks he received in 2009. At that time, roughly two-thirds viewed him favorably (68%) compared to 58% in the latest survey, and three-quarters in 2009 thought he was having a good influence on the country compared to 57% now.

Calderón is especially trusted among people who say the Mexican government is making progress in the drug war (72% rate him a good influence) but less so among those who say the government is not making progress or losing ground (46%). Meanwhile, two-thirds of Mexicans living in the North and South regions say he is a good influence, but only about half from the Central and Mexico City areas say the same (53% and 47%, respectively).

Military, Media Viewed Favorably

In addition to the national government, the military is also seen in a favorable light, with nearly three-in-four (73%) saying it is having a good influence on the way things are going in the country. This represents a rebound from 2011, when 62% said the military was having a positive impact.

The media is also well-regarded: six-in-ten say television, radio, newspapers, and magazines are having a good influence on the country’s direction. Opinions of the media are unchanged from last year.

Views of the court system and police are not as positive. Less than half of Mexicans see the courts (44%) and the police (38%) as having a good influence on the way things are going in the country. A year ago, opinions of the courts and police were even more negative, with only about three-in-ten giving either institution a positive rating.

Views of Presidential Candidates

Of the three major presidential candidates, Mexicans are most positive about the PRI’s Enrique Peña Nieto. A 56%-majority has a favorable opinion of Peña Nieto, compared with 38% who see him unfavorably. The PAN’s Josefina Vazquez Mota and the PRD’s Andrés Manuel López Obrador are less popular, with only about a third expressing a favorable view of either candidate (36% and 34%, respectively). More than half express unfavorable views of López Obrador (60%) and Vazquez Mota (54%).

While Peña Nieto is broadly popular across Mexico, views of Vazquez Mota and López Obrador vary by region. Specifically, Vazquez Mota is seen more favorably in the North (47% favorable), while López Obrador has more support among Mexicans in the Mexico City region and the South (46% and 39% favorable respectively).

No Party Stands Out on Key Problems

The public is divided when asked which party could do a better job handling some of the most pressing issues facing Mexico. On unemployment, organized crime/drug traffickers, and corruption, the three main parties come out looking pretty much the same in the eyes of most Mexicans. And confidence is generally low across the board: 30% or fewer think any of the parties is better than the others on these issues.

Generally, those on the right of the ideological spectrum express greater confidence in the ability of both the PRI and PAN to deal with these major problems, while those on the left are inclined to trust the PRD.

U.S. Image Still Positive

A 56%-majority of Mexicans say they have a positive opinion of the U.S., while just 34% rate their northern neighbor unfavorably. America’s image has improved since the passage in 2010 of the highly publicized Arizona immigration law, but has yet to return to levels seen before the law’s enactment.

In 2010, the Arizona law had a measurable impact on opinion of the United States: prior to the law’s passage 62% of those interviewed expressed a favorable view of the U.S., compared with just 44% of those interviewed after the measure was enacted.

Today, younger Mexicans and those with higher education are more likely to be favorable toward the U.S. For example, 60% of 18-29 year-olds hold a positive view of the U.S., while just half of those age 50 and older say the same. Similarly, 66% of those with a post-secondary education are favorable versus just 48% of those with a primary education or less.

Better Life in the U.S.

More than half the public (53%) believe that Mexicans who move to the U.S. have a better life there. Just 14% say they have a worse life, while 28% believe life in the U.S. is neither better nor worse. Attitudes on this topic have shifted since last year, when there was a dip in the percentage who said life is better in the U.S.

Even though many believe life is better for those who emigrate to the U.S., most Mexicans (61%) say they would not move to the U.S., even if they had the means and opportunity to do so. Among the substantial minority who would move, half say they would emigrate without authorization (19% of the total population). These attitudes are unchanged since last year.

The young and highly educated are more likely to want to go to the U.S. Among 18-29 year-olds, 54% would like to move north, while just 37% of 30-49 year-olds and 25% of those age 50 and older say the same. Mexicans with a post-secondary education are 11 percentage points more likely to want to emigrate than those with the lowest level of education.

A sizeable minority of Mexicans know people who have returned to Mexico from the U.S., either for economic reasons or through deportation. Three-in-ten are personally familiar with someone who came back from the U.S. because they could not find a job. This percentage is down 10 points since 2009, during the depth of the U.S. recession. Similarly, 32% of Mexicans say they know someone who has been deported or detained by the U.S. government in the last 12 months.

In most nations, young people express a more positive view of America, and in several countries the U.S. is more popular among those with a college education.

Key aspects of American foreign policy continue to be unpopular among many around the globe. Most believe the U.S. still acts unilaterally in world affairs. And while most Europeans support American anti-terrorism efforts, they are widely opposed in Muslim nations. Moreover, U.S. drone strikes – a key element of the Obama administration’s anti-terrorism policy – are widely unpopular nearly everywhere, although the U.S. itself is a clear exception.

Assessments of American economic power have declined over the last year, and views about U.S. economic strength have shifted dramatically over the last four years, especially in Western Europe, where China is now seen as the world’s economic leader. For example, in 2008, before the global economic downturn, 42% in Spain described the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power; just 24% said China. Today, only 26% name the U.S., while 57% think China occupies the top spot.

U.S. Image Remains Largely Positive

Evaluations of the U.S. are positive in most of the nations surveyed, and this is especially true in Europe. More than two-thirds in Italy (74%), France (69%) and Poland (69%) have a favorable opinion of the U.S. Views are also largely positive in Britain (60%), Spain (58%), and the Czech Republic (54%).

German attitudes toward the U.S., while still generally positive, have cooled over the last year, with favorable ratings dropping from 62% to 52%. Smaller declines have taken place in France (-6 percentage points) and Spain (-6). Greece is the only European country polled in which the U.S. gets negative marks – only 35% of Greeks express a favorable opinion of the U.S., while 61% offer an unfavorable one.

The U.S. receives many of its lowest ratings in predominantly Muslim nations. Fewer than one-in-five have a positive opinion about America in Egypt (19%), Turkey (15%), Pakistan (12%) and Jordan (12%). Views are divided, however, in Tunisia (45% favorable, 45% unfavorable) and Lebanon (48% favorable, 49% unfavorable).

Lebanese views differ considerably among the country’s major religious groups. Solid majorities of Sunni Muslims (67%) and Christians (61%) give the U.S. a favorable grade, compared with just 7% of Shia Muslims.

Last year, driven at least in part by American relief efforts following the March 2011 earthquake and tsunami, a remarkable 85% of Japanese gave the U.S. a favorable rating. Today, 72% hold this view – a significant drop, but still higher than the 66% registered in 2010.

Elsewhere in Asia, the Chinese are roughly split in their views about the U.S. (43% favorable, 48% unfavorable). On balance, Indians see the U.S. favorably (41% favorable, 12% unfavorable), although nearly half (47%) offer no opinion.

About half of Russians (52%) express a positive view of the U.S., as do majorities in the two Latin American countries surveyed, Brazil (61%) and Mexico (56%).

Young People More Positive About U.S.

In most of the countries surveyed, younger people tend to have more positive attitudes toward the U.S. This is particularly true in Russia, where 60% of 18-29 year-olds express a favorable opinion, compared with just 42% of those age 50 and older.

Three-in-four 18-29 year-old Poles give the U.S. a positive rating, compared with 62% of people 50 and older. Similarly, in China there is a 13 percentage point gap between 18-29 year-olds (51% favorable) and those 50 and older (38% favorable). Double-digit age gaps also appear in Japan, Germany, Lebanon, Spain, Brazil, the Czech Republic, Turkey and Mexico.

In several nations, the college educated also express more positive attitudes toward the U.S. For instance, 66% of Chinese with a college degree have a favorable opinion of the U.S., while just 41% of those without a college degree hold this view. There are also significant education gaps in Lebanon, Jordan, India, and the Czech Republic.

Opinion of the American People

The American people continue to receive largely positive ratings in most of the nations polled. Majorities or pluralities in 13 of 20 countries express a favorable view of Americans, including majorities in seven of the eight European Union members surveyed. Greece again is the exception: just 44% of Greeks have a positive opinion of Americans, while 53% hold a negative opinion.

Americans receive an especially high rating in Japan (80% favorable). About six-in-ten Russians (63%) also express a positive view.

Most Lebanese (61%) see the American people in a favorable light, while opinion in Tunisia is evenly split (44% favorable, 44% unfavorable). In the other majority Muslim nations surveyed however, views are decidedly negative.

Ratings are also, on balance, negative in China, where 51% give the American people unfavorable marks and just 39% see them favorably.

Declining Economic Power

Over the last few years, perceptions about the global economic balance of power have been shifting, with growing numbers naming China, rather than the U.S., as the world’s leading economy. In this year’s poll, nine publics place China in the top spot, while seven see the U.S. as the economic leader. In five countries, views are essentially mixed.

This trend has been especially strong in Europe. Majorities or pluralities in seven of the eight EU nations surveyed consider China the global economic leader. In just the last year, the percentage naming the U.S. has declined by 13 percentage points in France, 11 points in Spain, and nine in Germany.

In Russia, just 26% say the U.S. is the top economic power, down from 40% a year ago. In 2011, 55% of the Japanese named the U.S., while just 33% said China; today, views are split, with 45% naming the U.S. and 43% China.

Turkey and Mexico are the only countries in which more than half consider the U.S. the world’s leading economic power, but in both nations the percentage naming the U.S. has declined 14 points since last year.

Americans are almost evenly divided on this question: 40% think their own country is still the economic leader, while a similar percentage (41%) name China. The Chinese, on the other hand, are not convinced that their country is the world’s leader: roughly half (48%) place the U.S. in the top position, compared with just 29% who say China.

There is no country in which even 20% name Japan as the leading economic power, although at least one-in-ten do hold this view in Russia (17%), Jordan (16%), Brazil (15%), Mexico (12%) and Poland (12%).

Germany is the only country in which the percentage identifying the financially troubled EU as the leading economic power reaches double digits. While 17% of Germans name the EU, this is down significantly from the 36% registered in 2009.

Unilateralism

Across much of the globe, people continue to believe the U.S. acts unilaterally in world affairs. However, three of the four BRIC countries – an acronym applied to these nations because of their emerging economies –are exceptions to this pattern. More than half in Brazil (55%) and China (51%) say the U.S. does take into account their interests when it is making foreign policy decisions. On balance, Indians also hold this view, although the percentage saying the U.S. considers India’s interests has declined from 57% last year to 44% today. In Russia, the fourth BRIC country, only 22% think the U.S. acts multilaterally.

Throughout Europe and the Middle East, majorities say the U.S. does not take into account the interests of countries like theirs.

Opinions on this issue have shifted in Germany since last year, when 56% said the U.S. considered the interests of nations like Germany a great deal or a fair amount. Now, just 43% hold that view.

A significant change has also taken place in Japan. In 2011, following the American aid provided to Japan after the earthquake and tsunami, 51% said the U.S. considered the interests of nations like Japan – a 20-point increase from 2010. Today, 36% express this view.

Americans see this issue differently: roughly three-in-four (77%) believe their country does take into account the interests of other nations when it is making decisions about foreign policy.

American Anti-Terrorism Efforts

Among Europeans, support for American anti-terrorism policy was low during the final years of the George W. Bush administration, but rebounded following President Obama’s election. And, outside of Greece, support of the American approach remains relatively high today in Europe.

In contrast, predominantly Muslim publics have consistently expressed negative opinions about U.S. anti-terrorism efforts throughout both the Bush and Obama eras, and that remains the case in the current poll.

In Asia, 55% of Indians favor American anti-terrorism actions, but only one-in-three Chinese agree. Views differ in the two Latin American nations surveyed – roughly two-in-three Brazilians support American efforts, compared with just 36% of Mexicans.

As has consistently been the case over time, a broad majority of Americans (76%) support the country’s anti-terrorism efforts, including 86% of Republicans, 77% of independents, and 72% of Democrats.

Widespread Opposition to Drones

In the vast majority of nations polled, there is considerable opposition to the U.S. drone campaign against extremist leaders and organizations. In 17 of 20 countries, more than half disapprove of the U.S. conducting drone missile strikes to target extremists in places such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. The policy is unpopular in majority Muslim nations, but also in Europe and other regions as well.

Indeed, at least three-in-four hold this view in a diverse set of countries: Greece (90%), Egypt (89%), Jordan (85%), Turkey (81%), Spain (76%), Brazil (76%) and Japan (75%).

The three outliers on this issue are India, Britain, and the U.S. itself. Indians who have an opinion tend to support American drone strikes (32% approve, 21% disapprove), but nearly half (47%) do not offer a view on this question. Meanwhile, the British are almost evenly divided (44% approve, 47% disapprove).

Americans largely support the drone attacks: 62% approve; just 28% disapprove. While support is especially high among Republicans (74%), most independents (60%) and Democrats (58%) also approve.

Across much of the EU, there is a significant ideological gap on this question. For example, a majority (56%) of those who describe themselves as being on the political right in Britain favor U.S. drone strikes against extremists, but just 31% on the left agree.

A similar gap emerges in France, where about half of those on the right (49%) approve of the drone attacks, compared with about one-quarter (26%) among people on the left. Double-digit differences are also found in Italy, the Czech Republic and Germany.

There are even larger differences between men and women on this question throughout much of Europe, as well as in the U.S., Japan, and Brazil. In Germany, 54% of men support the strikes, compared with just 24% of women. Fully 57% of British men approve of using drones, but only 30% of women agree. Double-digit gender gaps are found in 10 nations, including a gap of 23 percentage points in the U.S.

Views of Hillary Clinton

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton receives mixed reviews. Throughout most of Europe, she gets positive marks, especially in the Czech Republic, France, and Germany, where about seven-in-ten express confidence that she will do the right thing in world affairs. Ratings are mostly negative, however, in Spain and Greece.

Clinton receives poor marks throughout the predominantly Muslim nations polled. In Asia, roughly seven-in-ten Japanese (71%) express confidence in her, but the Chinese are divided (36% confidence, 39% no confidence). Meanwhile, the vast majority of Indians do not have an opinion about America’s chief diplomat.

On balance, Mexicans take a negative view of Secretary Clinton (27% confidence, 43% no confidence). In contrast, Brazilians see Clinton in a positive light (49% confidence, 32% no confidence).

Three-in-four Americans believe Clinton will do the right thing in world affairs, including nearly all (92%) Democrats surveyed. However, strong majorities of both independents (70%) and Republicans (62%) also hold this view.

Global approval of President Barack Obama’s policies has declined significantly since he first took office, while overall confidence in him and attitudes toward the U.S. have slipped modestly as a consequence.

Europeans and Japanese remain largely confident in Obama, albeit somewhat less so than in 2009, while Muslim publics remain largely critical. A similar pattern characterizes overall ratings for the U.S. – in the EU and Japan, views are still positive, but the U.S. remains unpopular in nations such as Egypt, Jordan, Turkey and Pakistan.

Meanwhile, support for Obama has waned significantly in China. Since 2009, confidence in the American president has declined by 24 percentage points and approval of his policies has fallen 30 points. Mexicans have also soured on his policies, and many fewer express confidence in him today.

The Obama era has coincided with major changes in international perceptions of American power – especially U.S. economic power. The global financial crisis and the steady rise of China have led many to declare China the world’s economic leader, and this trend is especially strong among some of America’s major European allies. Today, solid majorities in Germany (62%), Britain (58%), France (57%) and Spain (57%) name China as the world’s top economic power.

Even though many think American economic clout is in relative decline, publics around the world continue to worry about how the U.S. uses its power – in particular its military power – in international affairs.

There remains a widespread perception that the U.S. acts unilaterally and does not consider the interests of other countries. In predominantly Muslim nations, American anti-terrorism efforts are still widely unpopular. And in nearly all countries, there is considerable opposition to a major component of the Obama administration’s anti-terrorism policy: drone strikes. In 17 of 20 countries, more than half disapprove of U.S. drone attacks targeting extremist leaders and groups in nations such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia.

Americans are the clear outliers on this issue – 62% approve of the drone campaign, including most Republicans (74%), independents (60%) and Democrats (58%).

These are among the principal findings from a 21-nation survey conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project from March 17-April 20. The poll also finds that, despite disappointment with Obama’s policies, there is still considerable support for his re-election in many countries, especially in Europe. Roughly nine-in-ten in France (92%) and Germany (89%) would like to see him re-elected, as would large majorities in Britain (73%), Spain (71%), Italy (69%) and the Czech Republic (67%). Most Brazilians (72%) and Japanese (66%) agree. But in the Middle East there is little enthusiasm for a second term – majorities in Egypt (76%), Jordan (73%) and Lebanon (62%) oppose Obama’s re-election.

Overall Ratings for U.S. Mostly Positive

Majorities or pluralities in 12 countries express a favorable opinion of the United States, while the prevailing view is negative in only five nations. In three countries views are closely divided.

Attitudes toward the U.S. are generally more positive today than in 2008, the final year of the George W. Bush administration. The biggest improvements in America’s image have occurred among Europeans – in France, Spain, and Germany, the percentage of people with a positive view of the U.S. is at least 20 percentage points higher than in 2008.

However, some of the initial surge in pro-American sentiments that followed Obama’s election have waned in Western Europe, especially in Germany where 64% had a favorable opinion of the U.S. in 2009, compared with 52% today.

In Japan, 72% currently express a favorable opinion of the U.S., up from 50% four years ago. America’s image in Japan improved dramatically in 2011, due in part to American relief efforts following the devastating March 2011 earthquake and tsunami. Fully 85% of Japanese respondents expressed a positive view of the U.S. in last year’s poll.

In a number of strategically important Muslim nations, America’s image has not improved during the Obama presidency. In fact, America’s already low 2008 ratings have slipped even further in Jordan and Pakistan.

Even in many nations where overall ratings for the U.S. remain low, however, certain aspects of American “soft power” are often well-regarded. For instance, the American way of doing business is especially popular in the Arab World – more than half in Lebanon (63%), Tunisia (59%), Jordan (59%) and Egypt (52%) say they like this element of America’s image.

Majorities or pluralities in 18 of 20 countries admire the U.S. for its science and technology, and most of the publics surveyed embrace American music, movies and television. Around the world, U.S. ideas about democracy and American ways of doing business have become more popular since Obama took office.

American soft power is often particularly appealing to young people. In particular, U.S. popular culture and American ideas about democracy are more popular among people under 30.

Still, even as they embrace certain features of American culture, people worry that it may crowd out their own cultures and traditions – majorities or pluralities in 17 of 20 countries say it is a bad thing that U.S. ideas and customs are spreading to their countries.

Disappointment With Obama’s Policies

While confidence in Obama has slipped, in many of the countries surveyed, people continue to express confidence in President Obama’s foreign policy leadership. In particular, he still gets extremely high ratings in much of Europe. More than seven-in-ten in Germany, France, Britain, the Czech Republic and Italy express confidence that Obama will do the right thing in world affairs. Big majorities in Japan and Brazil also hold this view.

There is little support for Obama, however, in the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed. Fewer than three-in-ten express confidence in him in Egypt, Tunisia, Turkey and Jordan. And roughly a year after he ordered the Abbottabad raid that killed Osama bin Laden, just 7% of Pakistanis have a positive view of Obama, the same percentage that voiced confidence in President George W. Bush during the final year of his administration.

Outside of Pakistan, however, Obama consistently receives higher ratings than Bush did in 2008. This is particularly true in Western Europe and Japan, but it is also true in several predominantly Muslim nations where Obama’s ratings – while not especially high – are nonetheless more positive than his predecessor’s.

In nearly every country where trends are available, support for Obama’s international policies has declined over the last three years. Even though most Europeans still endorse Obama’s policies, their enthusiasm has ebbed. Among the EU countries surveyed in both 2009 and 2012, a median of 78% approved of Obama’s policies in 2009, compared with 63% now. Among Muslim nations, the median has slipped from 34% to 15%. Major declines have also taken place in China, Japan, Russia and Mexico.

On a number of specific issues, there is a sense that Obama has not lived up to the expectations people had for him when he first took office. The 2009 Pew Global Attitudes survey found that many believed the new American president would act multilaterally, seek international approval before using military force, take a fair approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and make progress on climate change. As the current survey reveals, few now believe he has actually accomplished these things.

For instance, looking at the countries surveyed in both 2009 and 2012, a median of 56% in 2009 expected Obama to take significant steps to deal with climate change. Today, a median of just 22% think he has actually done this.

China’s Growing Economic Might

China’s image has slipped in several countries over the last year. The percentage of Japanese with a favorable opinion of China plummeted from 34% to 15%. In France, China’s favorability ratings dropped from 51% to 40%, and in Britain from 59% to 49%. And since last year, Americans have become less disposed to rate China positively (51% in 2011, 40% now).

However, perceptions of China’s economic power continue to grow. This is especially true in Europe, but the belief that China is the world’s top economy has become more common in the last year in other parts of the world as well, including Brazil, Japan, Turkey and Lebanon.

Views about the economic balance of power have shifted dramatically over time among the 14 countries surveyed each year from 2008 to 2012. In 2008, before the onset of the global financial crisis, a median of 45% named the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power, while just 22% said China. Today, only 36% say the U.S., while 42% believe China is in the top position.

Also of Note

• Global publics are much less interested in the 2012 U.S. presidential election than they were in the 2008 contest. For example, four years ago 56% of Germans were closely following the race, compared with just 36% now.
• Much like President Obama, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton receives largely positive marks in Western Europe, but is unpopular in the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed.
• German Chancellor Angela Merkel receives mostly favorable ratings in Europe – with the clear exception of Greece, where only 7% express confidence in her.
• Russian President Vladimir Putin is rated negatively in most of the countries surveyed, and Russia’s overall image has declined since last year in Western Europe and the U.S.

Despite economic difficulties and political uncertainty, Egyptians remain upbeat about the course of the nation and prospects for progress. Amid rancorous debates over the presidential election and the shape of a new constitution, most Egyptians continue to want democracy, with two-in-three saying it is the best form of government.

Egyptians also want Islam to play a major role in society, and most believe the Quran should shape the country’s laws, although a growing minority expresses reservations about the increasing influence of Islam in politics. When asked which country is the better model for the role of religion in government, Turkey or Saudi Arabia, 61% say the latter. However, most also endorse specific democratic rights and institutions that do not exist in Saudi Arabia, such as free speech, a free press, and equal rights for women.

Seven-in-ten Egyptians express a favorable view of the Muslim Brotherhood, down just slightly from 75% a year ago. Most (56%) also have a positive opinion of the Brotherhood-affiliated Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), the largest party in the newly elected parliament. The more conservative al-Nour fares less well: 44% have a favorable and 44% an unfavorable view of the Salafist party. Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, a Salafist leader who was recently disqualified as a presidential candidate, gets somewhat better ratings (52% positive, 42% negative).

Presidential contender Amr Moussa receives overwhelmingly positive marks, with 81% expressing a positive opinion of the former Foreign Minister and Arab League chief. Meanwhile, 58% have a favorable view of moderate Islamist presidential candidate Abdel Moneim Aboul Fotouh.

The April 6^th Movement, a loose organization of mostly young and secular activists that played a key role in the demonstrations that forced Hosni Mubarak from office, is rated favorably by 68% of Egyptians. However, the Egyptian Bloc, a mostly secular coalition of political parties, is not popular – just 38% assign it a positive rating.

While many have criticized the military in recent months for its handling of the post-Mubarak transition, it continues to be largely well-regarded. Three-in-four Egyptians believe the military is having a good influence on the country, and 63% hold a positive opinion of the ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF). And while favorable ratings for SCAF Chairman Mohamed Tantawi have declined significantly from last year’s 90%, they remain high at 63%.

Most Egyptians support civilian control of the military, but other key institutional features of democracy are considered higher priorities. Roughly six-in-ten (62%) say civilian control is an important priority, but only 24% consider it very important, essentially unchanged from 27% in 2011. In contrast, 81% believe a fair judiciary is very important, similar to last year’s 82%. Views toward other key democratic rights and institutions also show little change since last year.

These are among the principal findings from a nationwide survey of Egypt by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face interviews were conducted with 1,000 adults in Egypt between March 19 and April 10, 2012. The poll finds little change in Egyptian perceptions of the United States. Only 19% offer a positive rating of the U.S. and just 29% express confidence in President Obama. The survey also finds ongoing opposition to the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel: 61% prefer to annul the treaty, up from 54% a year ago.

Desire for Democracy, But Also Order and Growth

Egyptians continue to voice confidence in democracy. Two-thirds consider it preferable to any other kind of government, while just 19% say in some circumstances a non-democratic form of government may be best, and just 13% believe it doesn’t really matter what kind of government rules the country. Roughly six-in-ten (61%) think democracy is best-suited for solving the country’s problems, while only 33% say a leader with a strong hand would be better equipped for dealing with these challenges.

At the same time, it is clear that Egyptians also want law and order: six-in-ten consider this a very important priority. And the economy remains a major concern. About eight-in-ten (81%) say improving economic conditions should be a top priority. Just 27% describe the country’s economic situation as good, down from 34% in 2011. Still, on balance, Egyptians remain optimistic about their economic future: 50% expect the economy to improve over the next 12 months, only 20% think it will worsen, and 28% believe it will stay about the same.

A growing number of Egyptians sees Islam as playing a major role in the political life of the country – 66% currently compared with 47% in 2010. For the most part, those who believe Islam is playing a large role see this as good for the country, but more disagree with that view this year than last. Conflicting views about the role of religion in politics are also seen in the significant numbers who say Saudi Arabia is the best model for Egypt, yet endorse key features of democracy. Among those who choose Saudi Arabia over Turkey as the best model for Egypt, two-thirds also say democracy is preferable to any other kind of government. More than six-in-ten say it is very important to live in a country with a free press (64%), honest multiparty elections (63%), and freedom of speech (61%).

U.S. Image Still Negative

America’s image remains overwhelmingly negative – only 19% offer a favorable opinion of the U.S., basically unchanged from 20% in 2011. But a large majority does not see the U.S. as having a major influence on political developments in Egypt.

Egyptian opinions about President Obama have grown steadily more negative over the course of his presidency. In a 2009 poll conducted a few months after he took office, Egyptians were divided over the new American president: 42% expressed a great deal or some confidence that he would do the right thing in world affairs; 47% said they had little or no confidence.¹ Today, 29% have confidence in Obama, while 69% lack confidence.

Although the U.S. has sent billions of dollars in aid to Egypt over the last few decades, few believe it is helping the country. Indeed, roughly six-in-ten say both American military and economic aid are having a mostly negative impact on Egypt.

Despite these negative sentiments, a majority of Egyptians says either they want the U.S.-Egypt relationship to stay about as close as it has been in recent years (35%) or become even closer (20%), while 38% would like to see relations become less close.

Overall, Egyptians believe the U.S. exerts a limited influence on their country’s tumultuous politics. When asked whether the American response to Egypt’s political situation is having a positive or negative impact, 62% say it is having neither.

Moreover, few believe there is a hidden Western hand behind the country’s ongoing protests. Just 21% say the demonstrations are a result of Western efforts to destabilize Egypt, while 74% think the protests reflect genuine Egyptian discontent with the country’s political situation.

Also of Note

• Six-in-ten say the People’s Assembly, Egypt’s newly elected lower house of parliament, is having a positive influence on the country, while 39% believe it is having a negative effect.
• Four-in-ten believe that under an FJP-led government women will have more rights than they had in the past, while 27% say they will have fewer rights. Roughly three-in-ten (31%) think women will have about the same rights as in the past.
• Views toward one-time presidential hopeful Mohamed ElBaradei have soured. In 2011, 57% held a positive view of the former International Atomic Energy Association (IAEA) chief, while just 39% rated him negatively. Now opinions are divided: 48% favorable, 50% unfavorable.
• Fayza Abul Naga, the Egyptian Cabinet official who led efforts to prosecute American NGO representatives (as well as representatives from Egyptian and other foreign NGOs) enjoys little popularity. Abul Naga, who is a holdover from the Mubarak era, receives a favorable rating from 35% of Egyptians, while 50% offer a negative assessment.

Despite these decidedly negative attitudes, most Egyptians want their country’s relationship with the U.S. to stay about as close as it is currently or become even closer. About four-in-ten (38%) would like to see a more distant relationship between the two countries.

While the conflict over American NGOs’ democracy-promotion efforts in Egypt severely strained bilateral relations with the U.S., few Egyptians believe that Western powers are behind the country’s ongoing protests.

Poor Ratings for the U.S. and Obama

The tremendous political changes that have taken place in Egypt since the end of the Mubarak era have not led to a major shift in perceptions of the U.S. Roughly eight-in-ten Egyptians (79%) express unfavorable attitudes toward the U.S., with just 19% saying favorable. This is essentially unchanged from 2011, when 79% were unfavorable and 20% were favorable.

President Obama also receives low marks from most Egyptians. About seven-in-ten (69%) say they do not have confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs; just 29% have a lot or some confidence in his actions. There has been a steady decrease in confidence in Obama since 2009, when Egyptian opinions about the new American leader were nearly split, with 42% expressing confidence and 47% saying not much or none at all.

Views toward President Obama have become considerably more negative over the last year among younger Egyptians. In 2011, 44% of 18-29 year-olds had a lot or some confidence in President Obama. Today, just 24% say the same. Attitudes toward the U.S. leader have remained constant among other age groups since 2011.

Negligible Impact of U.S. on Political Situation

Most Egyptians (62%) believe the U.S. has had neither a good nor bad influence on the political situation in their country. Roughly one-in-five (21%) say the impact is negative, while 15% believe it is positive.

Despite some claims that American NGO’s were trying to stir up discontent, only 21% of Egyptians say recent protests are due to attempts by Western powers to destabilize the country. Instead, a broad majority (74%) believes they are the result of genuine Egyptian dissatisfaction with the current political situation.

Little Support for U.S. Aid

There is no consensus among Egyptians as to whether American financial assistance to their country is primarily economic or military. A plurality (34%) believes the aid is mostly to help Egypt develop economically, while 23% say the aid is mostly military. Nearly three-in-ten (28%) believe it is divided equally between economic and military assistance, and 14% offer no opinion.

Both types of American aid are viewed negatively by Egyptians. About six-in-ten (61%) say U.S. military aid has a harmful influence on Egypt, while just 11% believe its impact is positive, and 25% say it has no impact. Similarly, 61% consider U.S. economic aid harmful, while the remainder of the public is split between positive views (21%) and the belief that the aid has no impact (17%).

Still, Less Than Half Want a More Distant Relationship

Despite the broadly negative opinions toward the U.S., less than half of the Egyptian public (38%) wants the relationship between the two nations to be less close. The remainder of the public either wants the relationship to be about as close as it is now (35%) or closer (20%).

Opinions on this question are very similar to 2011, when 43% of Egyptians said they would like to be less close to the U.S, 40% about as close, and 15% closer.

Attitudes toward the bilateral relationship are strongly related to views about American aid. Those who believe economic and military aid have a harmful impact on Egypt are significantly more likely to say they prefer a more distant relationship. For example, among those who say economic aid has a negative impact, 51% want a less close relationship with the U.S., compared with 19% of those who think economic assistance is having a positive impact.

Over the last year, Egyptians age 50 and older have become less negative about their country’s future relationship with the U.S. In 2011, 45% of the older age group wanted a less close relationship, compared with 32% today. There has been no significant change on this question among Egyptians under 50.

Treaty With Israel

Most Egyptians favor overturning the 1979 peace treaty in which Egypt became the first Arab country to formally recognize Israel. Roughly six-in-ten (61%) want to annul the treaty, up slightly from last year (54%). Just under a third (32%) want to maintain it.

Opposition to the treaty has grown significantly over the last year among young people and the highly educated. Support for annulling the treaty has increased by 14 points among 18-29 year-olds and by 18 points among the college-educated.