by Richard Wike, Associate Director, Pew Global Attitudes Project

Special to Foreign Policy

Anti-Americanism in the Muslim world, an issue that was front and center throughout much of the George W. Bush era, is squarely back in the news following the protests that swept across more than 20 countries in reaction to a controversial anti-Islam film. The all-too-familiar images of angry demonstrators burning the Stars and Stripes are a dramatic reminder that, while the image of the United States has improved throughout many parts of the world during Barack Obama’s presidency, negative views of America remain stubbornly persistent in key Muslim countries. Much of this animosity is due to continuing concerns about U.S. power and widespread opposition to major elements of American foreign policy. But it’s not just about the United States — rather, anti-Americanism needs to be seen within a broader context of distrust between Muslims and the West.

Following his election, Obama made it a priority to change America’s dismal image in the Muslim world, most prominently in his June 2009 Cairo speech. And he has had some successes; in fact, Muslim publics still generally give him more positive ratings than Bush received. For instance, in a spring 2012 survey by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project, only 24 percent of Turks express confidence in Obama; still, that’s a whole lot better than the 2 percent who felt this way about Bush during his final year in office. Also, due in part to having lived there for a few years as a child, Obama has consistently received high marks in Indonesia, and his popularity has helped turn around America’s image in the world’s most populous Muslim nation.

But overall, the picture remains grim. In Egypt, for example, despite all the tumult of the revolution, America’s image remains roughly where it was four years ago — then 22 percent expressed a favorable opinion of the United States; in the 2012 poll, it was 19 percent. Among Pakistanis and Jordanians, America’s already poor ratings have declined further since 2008 — in both countries, 19 percent held a positive view of the U.S. four years ago, compared with just 12 percent in 2012.

Read the full commentary at Foreign Policy

With China a key foreign policy issue in the 2012 presidential contest, and both Barack Obama and Mitt Romney promising to “get tough” with the Asian power, the American public expresses both positive and negative views about China and U.S. policy towards it.

Nearly two-thirds describe relations between the U.S. and China as good, and most consider China a competitor rather than an enemy. At the same time, majorities say the U.S. cannot trust China and that the Asian nation does not consider the interests of other countries when making foreign policy decisions. When it comes to dealing with China, as many say being tough with China on economic issues is a very important priority for the U.S. as say the same about building a strong bilateral relationship.

Despite generally positive assessments of U.S.-China relations, Americans are clearly concerned about China’s growing economic strength and its impact on the United States. Most consider the large amount of American debt held by China, the loss of U.S. jobs to China and the U.S. trade deficit with China to be very serious problems, and about half say the Asian nation’s emergence as a world power poses a major threat to America.

In contrast to the general public, American foreign affairs experts are far less concerned about China’s rising power. With the exception of retired military officers, only about three-in-ten among the experts surveyed consider China’s emergence as a world power to be a major threat. Fewer than four-in-ten experts consider the U.S. trade deficit with China to be a very serious problem, compared with about six-in-ten of the broader public; and even fewer experts express concern about the loss of U.S. jobs to China. Moreover, unlike the general public, experts are far more likely to support building a strong relationship with China than to back being tough with Beijing on economic issues.

The public and experts also offer divergent views of how assertive America should be in the world. When asked whether the U.S. should play a shared leadership role, be the single world leader, or not play any leadership role, majorities of the public and experts choose a shared leadership role. Among those who do so, 62% of the public say the U.S. should be no more or less assertive than other leading nations. In contrast, majorities of retired military officers, scholars, government officials, and business and trade leaders who favor a shared leadership role say the U.S. should be the most assertive of the leading nations; views are more mixed among members of the news media.

These are among the key findings of a survey of U.S. foreign affairs experts in government, business, academia, the military and the news media and the American public conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project. The survey is part of the broader U.S.-China Security Perceptions Project, conducted in collaboration with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Kissinger Institute on China and the United States at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the China Strategic Culture Promotion Association and the Research Center for Contemporary China at Peking University.

The general public survey was conducted April 30-May 13, 2012, among 1,004 adults. The elite survey was conducted March 1-May 20, 2012, among 305 foreign affairs experts, including 54 government officials in the executive and legislative branches, 52 retired military officers, 74 business and trade leaders, 93 academics, think tank experts and NGO leaders, and 32 reporters, editors and commentators. Although not representative of all U.S. foreign affairs experts, the elite survey findings are indicative of attitudes among high-ranking individuals responsible for matters related to national security or foreign policy.¹

Most See China as a Competitor, Say U.S. Can’t Trust It

The American public, as well as majorities across the five expert groups, describe China as a competitor of the United States. Few see China as either a partner or an enemy. However, the public is more likely than the experts to label China as an enemy; 15% of the public offer this negative view, compared with 3% or less among the five expert groups.

China is also largely seen as untrustworthy by both the American public and the experts. Only 26% of the public and about a third or less across the expert groups surveyed say the U.S. can trust China a great deal or a fair amount. By comparison, at least half among the public and the experts say the U.S. can trust Britain, Japan, France, Israel and India.

Moreover, just one-third of the public and even fewer among most expert groups believe China takes the interests of other countries around the world into account when making foreign policy decisions. Scholars are more likely than other foreign affairs experts to say this, but 59% in that group say China does not consider the interests of other countries. By comparison, solid majorities among the public and experts believe the U.S. considers the interests of other nations.

Views of China are generally more positive among young people. More than four-in-ten respondents younger than 30 see China as trustworthy (43%), compared with fewer than a quarter in older age groups. Younger people are also more likely than older respondents to say China takes the interest of other countries into account when making foreign policy decisions. And while about two-thirds across all age groups describe China as a competitor of the U.S., more 18- to 29-year-olds (22%) and 30- to 49-year-olds (19%) see China as a partner than do 50- to 64-year-olds (12%) and those 65 or older (7%).²

Obama’s China Policy

Nearly nine-in-ten government officials, and at least six-in-ten members of the news media, scholars, and business and trade leaders, approve of the way Obama is handling foreign policy. However, Obama receives lower marks among retired military officers, with a majority saying they disapprove of the president’s performance.

Asked to assess the Obama administration’s handling of China in particular, retired military officers also express more critical views than their counterparts. About half of retired military officers say Obama is not being tough enough with China, while 35% say his policy is about right. In contrast, majorities among the other four expert groups endorse the administration’s handling of China, including about two-thirds or more of government officials, scholars, and the news media.

Among the public, slightly more say Obama is not being tough enough with China than say his policy is about right (45% vs. 39%). Republicans are nearly twice as likely as Democrats to say the president should be tougher (65% vs. 35%); 49% of independents think Obama is not being tough enough with China.

Partisan Divisions on Views about China’s Rise

Republicans are considerably more concerned than Democrats about the impact of China’s rise. Six-in-ten Republicans believe China’s emergence as a world power poses a major threat to the U.S., compared with 48% of Democrats. Moreover, far more Republicans than Democrats see the U.S. trade deficit with China, the loss of U.S. jobs to China and the large amount of American debt held by the Asian nation as very serious problems.

Republicans are also far more likely to favor toughness with China on economic and trade issues, while Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say building a strong relationship with China is a top priority. About two-thirds of Republicans (68%) say it is very important for the U.S. to be tough with China, compared with 53% of Democrats; 48% of Republicans believe building a strong bilateral relationship should be a top priority, while 59% of Democrats offer this opinion.

Also of Note

• Americans view China primarily as an economic threat rather than a military one; 59% say the Asian nation’s economic strength worries them the most, while 28% say its military might is a greater concern.
• Majorities across all expert groups believe China will become more democratic as a result of economic growth.
• At least seven-in-ten Americans describe the Chinese people as hardworking (93%), competitive (89%) and inventive (73%). Most also associate these traits with the American people, but fewer say Americans are hardworking (78%) than say the same about the Chinese.
• About a quarter of the public (26%) names China as the country that represents the greatest danger to the U.S., more than volunteer any other country; 16% name Iran and 13% cite North Korea as the greatest danger. Opinions of which country represents the greatest danger vary across the five expert groups.
• Most experts would support the use of U.S. military force to defend Taiwan if China used military force against the island without a unilateral declaration of independence by Taiwan. If an attack from China followed a unilateral declaration of independence, however, half or more would oppose the use of U.S. military force to defend Taiwan.
• Majorities across the five expert groups say the world will be more stable in the long run if the U.S. remains the dominant power, but sizeable minorities, including 45% of business and trade leaders, say a balance of power between the U.S. and China would lead to more stability.

Across the five expert groups surveyed, there is a far greater consensus than among the general public that building a strong relationship with China should be the most important priority for the U.S. Being tough with China on economic issues is considered a much lower priority, even among retired military officers and trade and business leaders, who largely believe toughness on economic and trade issues is very important for the U.S.

When asked about the Obama administration’s handling of China, slightly more of the public say it is not being tough enough than say the administration is handling it about right; virtually no one says Obama is being too tough with China. In contrast, solid majorities among most expert groups endorse Obama’s China policy.

Among the public and the experts, few say continuing to sell arms to Taiwan and advocating for more freedom for Tibet are very important priorities for the U.S. A small number across the five expert groups say promoting human rights in China should be the most important priority.

Americans who have heard a lot about relations between China and Taiwan are somewhat divided on whether the U.S. should use military force to defend Taiwan if China were to attack the island, with only slightly more saying the U.S. should use force than saying it should not. Among the experts surveyed, most say the U.S. should use force to defend Taiwan if China were to attack it without a unilateral declaration of independence by Taiwan. There is far less support for U.S. military intervention if an attack from China followed a unilateral declaration of independence by Taiwan.

Obama’s China Policy

The Obama administration’s handling of China receives somewhat mixed reviews from the public — 45% say Obama is not being tough enough, while 39% say Obama’s China policy is about right. In May 2001, in a survey conducted just weeks after a U.S. spy plane landed on the Chinese island of Hainan after colliding with a Chinese fighter jet, more of the public endorsed George W. Bush’s dealings with China than said Bush was not being tough enough (46% vs. 34%) (see “Public Behind Bush On Key Foreign Issues,” released June 11, 2001, by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press).

As was the case in 2001, views of the administration’s dealings with China are divided along partisan lines. Nearly two-thirds of Republicans (65%) say Obama is not being tough enough, while 27% say his policy is about right. Among Democrats, about half (51%) endorse the president’s policy and 35% believe Obama has not been tough enough. A decade ago, 57% of Republicans said the Bush administration’s handling of China was about right and 32% believed the president wasn’t being tough enough; Democrats were somewhat divided, with 40% saying Bush wasn’t tough enough and 34% saying his China policy was about right.

Of the foreign affairs experts surveyed, retired military officers are the most critical of Obama’s handling of China; about half in this group say the administration is not being tough enough, while about a third believe it is about right. In contrast, majorities among the other groups endorse Obama’s policies, with scholars and government officials being particularly supportive.

When asked to describe in their own words what they believe Obama has done best when dealing with China, experts most often mention the president’s general diplomatic approach to the bilateral relationship. Obama is commended for being balanced and consistent – combining aggressiveness when necessary with cooperation when possible.
Government officials, scholars and retired military officers, in particular, also applaud the Obama administration for refocusing efforts on Asia and regional allies, including the increase of military capabilities in the Pacific. They also believe military-to-military communication between China and the U.S. has improved during Obama’s time in office.

Yet, there are concerns that the president has not made much progress on the trade imbalance; business and trade leaders especially fault him for protectionist policies. Experts across the board are also concerned that the Obama administration has inadequately responded to the theft of intellectual property and cyber attacks on businesses.

Policy Priorities

Most Americans (56%) say it is very important for the U.S. to be tough with China on economic and trade issues. Yet, about the same number (55%) say building a strong relationship with China should be a top policy priority. More than half (53%) also consider promoting human rights in China as very important, while considerably fewer say the same about advocating for more freedom for Tibet (36%) and continuing to sell arms to Taiwan (21%).

The view that promoting human rights in China is very important is more widespread than it was in January 2011, when 40% believed this to be a top priority for the U.S. (see “Public’s Global Focus Turns from Europe to Asia,” released January 12, 2011, by the Pew Research Center for the People & the Press). Democrats and Republicans alike are more inclined than they were in 2011 to say promoting human rights in China should be a very important priority; 58% of Democrats and 56% of Republicans currently express this view, compared with 43% and 33%, respectively, in 2011; opinions have been more stable among independents (50% now vs. 41% in 2011).³

Across the five expert groups, majorities of at least eight-in-ten consider building a strong relationship with China a very important priority for the U.S. However, there is less consensus regarding other aspects of U.S. policy. For example, about six-in-ten government officials and business and trade leaders want the U.S. to be tough with China on economic and trade issues, but fewer than half in the other three groups consider this a top priority. And while promoting human rights in China is seen as very important by 46% of government officials and 41% of members of the news media, about one-third of business and trade leaders and about one-in-five scholars and former military officers share this view. Just 30% or fewer across the five groups consider advocating for more freedom for Tibet and continuing to sell arms to Taiwan to be very important priorities for the U.S.

When describing in their own words what they believe should be the top priorities for U.S. policies toward China, experts across the board cite economic issues such as the bilateral trade imbalance, the theft of intellectual property and economic espionage through cyber attacks by China. Among business and trade leaders, China’s currency valuation is also mentioned as a major issue.

Experts also consider managing the international balance of power between the two nations a top priority, though they are divided on the best approach. While many say it is important to contain China by preventing a build-up of its military and limiting its growing influence in other areas of the world, there is also a desire to avoid conflict between the two by increasing military-to-military communication and learning to accommodate China’s growth as a world power.

Partisan Differences on Key Priorities

For the most part, among the general public, Republicans, Democrats and independents offer similar views of U.S. policy priorities toward China. There are partisan differences, however, when it comes to the importance of building a strong relationship with China and being tough with the Asian nation on economic and trade issues.

Republicans are far more likely than Democrats and independents to say it is very important for the U.S. to be tough with China on economic and trade issues. About two-thirds (68%) of Republicans express this view, compared with 53% of Democrats and independents.

Conversely, about six-in-ten Democrats and independents (59% each) believe building a strong relationship with China should be a top priority for the U.S., while 48% of Republicans agree.

Areas of Collaboration and Sources of Conflict

Across the five expert groups, the economy is most frequently offered as the best arena for cooperation between the U.S. and China. Given the size of the two nations’ economies, many believe that it is in both countries’ interests to collaborate on fostering global economic stability as well as developing equally beneficial interdependence.

Many also mention the possibility of the U.S. and China jointly addressing common threats, such as climate change, terrorism, health epidemics, instability in the Middle East, and security on the Korean Peninsula as an avenue for cooperation. And all the expert groups agree that the exchange of ideas and people between the two world powers – from cultural interactions to joint scientific research – can improve the bilateral relationship.

On the other hand, when asked about the most likely sources of conflict, the top concern is that regional territorial disputes, such as in the South China Sea, could lead to escalating tensions. Many also say that U.S. efforts to maintain its leadership in the region or Chinese attempts to assert itself militarily could result in a competition for dominance in the Pacific.

Respondents in all expert groups also express concerns about power struggles for influence in other areas of the world, and many raise the possibility of a clash between the U.S. and China over third-party actions, such as North Korea or Iran. Retired military officers and business leaders in particular mention the need for scarce natural resources as a key source of conflict both within the region and other areas of the world.

Among business and trade leaders, economic issues – such as a trade war, theft of intellectual property and currency valuation – are most often cited as likely causes of deteriorating relations between the U.S. and China.

Using Force to Defend Taiwan

Just 10% of Americans say they have heard a lot about relations between China and Taiwan; 54% have heard a little and 34% have heard nothing at all about this issue.

About half (48%) of those who have heard a lot about relations between China and Taiwan say the U.S. should use military force to defend Taiwan if China were to use force against the island; 43% say the U.S. should not use military force to defend Taiwan.

Among the expert groups surveyed, views on whether the U.S. should use military force to defend Taiwan depend on the circumstances of a potential attack by China. Majorities across the five groups would support the use of U.S. military force to defend Taiwan if China moved against the island without a unilateral declaration of independence by Taiwan.

At least six-in-ten government officials, scholars and retired military officers express this opinion, as do somewhat smaller majorities of business and trade leaders and members of the news media.

If China were to use military force following a unilateral declaration of independence by Taiwan, however, at least six-in-ten government officials, business and trade leaders, scholars and members of the media say the U.S. should not use military force to defend Taiwan; half of the retired military officers surveyed share this view.

There is also little consensus on views of the extent to which the U.S. relies on military strength to achieve its foreign policy goals. The public is nearly evenly divided between those who say their country relies on military might too much and those who say it does so about the right amount. Business and trade leaders and retired military officers also express mixed views, while solid majorities of the news media, scholars and government officials believe the U.S. relies on its military strength too much.

When asked what would make the world more stable in the long run – the U.S. remaining the world’s leading superpower, China replacing the U.S. as the world’s leading superpower, or a balance of power between the two nations – more than half in all expert groups choose a scenario in which the U.S. maintains its position as the dominant power. Still, considerable minorities say a balance of power would lead to more stability.

U.S. Leadership Role

About three-quarters (74%) of the public favor a shared leadership role for the U.S.; 9% say the U.S. should be the single world leader, while 12% say it should have no leadership role at all.

Among those who say the U.S. should play a shared leadership role, nearly twice as many think the U.S. should be no more or less assertive than the other leading nations as say it should be the most assertive of the leading nations (62% vs. 33%).

Experts also believe the U.S. should play a shared leadership role in the world; at least eight-in-ten in each group express this view. Retired military officers are somewhat more likely than those in the other four groups to say the U.S. should be the single world leader, but few retired military officers offer this opinion.

Contrary to the opinion expressed by the general public, however, majorities of retired military officers, scholars, government officials and business and trade leaders who favor a shared leadership role say the U.S. should be the most assertive of the leading nations; still, sizable minorities in each group believe the U.S. should be no more or less assertive than other leading nations.

Members of the news media who say the U.S. should play a shared leadership role are about evenly divided between those who believe the U.S. should be the most assertive of the leading nations and those who think it should be no more or less assertive than other leading nations.

Global Balance of Power

More than half across the expert groups surveyed believe the world will be more stable in the long run if the U.S. remains the leading superpower, but sizable minorities in each group say a balance of power between the U.S. and China would lead to greater stability. None of the experts surveyed believe the world will be more stable if China replaces the U.S. as the leading superpower.

The view that the world will be more stable if the U.S. continues to be the global superpower is somewhat more common among retired military officers, but at least six-in-ten government officials, scholars and members of the news media share this view. Opinions are somewhat more divided among business and trade leaders.

U.S. Use of Military Strength

Four-in-ten Americans believe the U.S. relies on military strength too much to achieve its foreign policy goals, and about the same number (44%) say their country relies on its military strength about the right amount; only 10% of Americans say the U.S. relies on military might too little.

Republican views on U.S. reliance on military strength differ sharply from those of Democrats and independents. Most Republicans (54%) say the U.S. relies on military strength about the right amount, while the rest are about evenly divided between those who say their country relies on military strength too much (22%) and those who say it relies on military strength too little (20%).

In contrast, close to half of Democrats and independents (47% and 46%, respectively) say the U.S. relies too much on its military might, while about four-in-ten Democrats (42%) and independents (40%) say their country relies on military strength about the right amount. Just 6% of Democrats and 9% of independents would like to see the U.S. rely on its military more than it currently does.

Among the experts surveyed, members of the news media are particularly inclined to believe the U.S. relies on military strength too much to achieve its foreign policy goals; about eight-in-ten say this is the case. More than six-in-ten scholars and government officials also agree that that U.S. relies excessively on its military might. Retired military officers and business and trade leaders offer more mixed views. Among retired military officers, only slightly more say the U.S. relies on military strength too much than say the U.S. relies on it about the right amount; among business and trade leaders, just slightly more say U.S. reliance on military might is about right than say it is excessive.

But Indians, especially those who live in urban areas, are far from neutral in their views. They feel closer to the United States than to China. And they are worried about Iran acquiring nuclear weapons.

U.S., Obama Well-Regarded

A majority of Indians living in cities have a favorable view of the United States (58%), a positive opinion of Americans (57%) and confidence in President Barack Obama (60%).

Such confidence in Obama is one likely reason a majority of city-dwelling Indians (57%) back his international policies, approve his handling of global economic problems and say relations with the U.S. have improved in recent years.

A majority of urban Indians (56%) would also like to see President Obama re-elected. Among those who say they are closely following the election, a 71%-majority wants Obama to have four more years. The American president’s support in Indian cities is roughly comparable among men and women and people of all ages. His backing is slightly stronger among urbanites with a college education or a higher income.

Among the foreign leaders asked about in the survey, Obama is clearly the most admired. Far fewer have confidence in Russian President Vladimir Putin (35%), Chinese leader Hu Jintao (22%) and German Chancellor Angela Merkel (20%). The low ratings of Merkel and Hu, at least, are likely tied to the fact that about half are unfamiliar with either leader.

Indians in cities are also generally supportive of the exercise of U.S. power, both hard and soft. They broadly favor (73%) American-led efforts to fight terrorism and a plurality (48%) backs U.S. drone strikes targeting extremists in countries such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. Most (69%) also admire U.S. scientific and technological advances, with college-educated, urban Indians being particular fans. A majority (56%) likes American ways of doing business. And a plurality of Indians in urban areas (48%) admire U.S. ideas about democracy. Nevertheless, roughly half (52%) think it is bad that American ideas and customs are spreading in India and a 55%-majority of Indian city dwellers dislike American music, movies and TV.

Support for all things American is lower in rural India, in part because of the large percentage of the population that voices no opinion.

Negative Views of China

Facing a growing commercial rivalry, border tensions and concern about China’s intentions in the Indian Ocean, urban Indians tend to take a dim view of their relationship with their fellow emerging market and northern neighbor, China. By a 44%-to-33% margin, more say they have an unfavorable view of China; 23% venture no opinion. And while 40% see Delhi’s relationship with Beijing as one of hostility, only 28% see the relationship as one of cooperation and 21% don’t know.

About half (53%) of Indians living in cities think China’s growing economy is a bad thing for India, and only 26% think it is a good thing. Nearly six-in-ten urban Indians (58%) who think Chinese commercial success is a bad thing for India also characterize the bilateral relationship as a hostile one.

Indians also take a more skeptical view of China’s role in the international arena. Only 20% of urban residents think China is the world’s leading economic power. By comparison, across the other 20 nations surveyed by the Pew Research Center this year, a median of 42% see China as the global economic hegemon.

Iran and Its Nuclear Program

India has long-standing cultural and economic ties with Iran, to the west of Pakistan. At least 10% of India’s roughly 160 million Muslim citizens are Shia, the predominant Muslim sect in Iran.⁸ Nevertheless, only 28% of urban Indians have a favorable view of Iran, and about half (52%) of city dwellers oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons.

Of those urban Indians who oppose Tehran’s nuclear ambitions, about six-in-ten (62%) approve of tougher economic sanctions to try to curb Iran’s efforts to become a nuclear weapons state. And nearly seven-in-ten (69%) urbanites who oppose Iran acquiring a nuclear arsenal say it is more important to prevent this possibility than to avoid a military conflict. Nationwide, among those who oppose Iran acquiring nuclear weapons, 56% approve of tougher sanctions and 53% say it is more important to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons than to avoid a military conflict with the Iranian regime.

Asians’ Views of India

India is not just looking at the world, the world is looking at India. Among the Asian nations where the question was asked, favorable opinion of India is highest in Japan (70%). This is the most positive Japanese assessment since the Pew Research Center began asking the question in 2006 and is up 11 percentage points since 2011. In contrast, only 23% of Chinese see India in a favorable light, down 10 points since 2006. And only 22% of Pakistanis are favorably disposed toward India. Pakistani appraisal of India is up eight percentage points since 2011, but down 11 points since 2006.

Special to CNN

Foreign policy is the forgotten stepchild of the 2012 U.S. presidential election. At a time when the United States is engaged in the longest war in its history in Afghanistan, when in the eyes of foreigners U.S. stature as the hegemonic power is in question, and when a euro crisis could derail the American economy’s tenuous recovery from the Great Recession, voters choosing their next president are turning inward, preoccupied with domestic affairs to an extent unprecedented in recent times. Nevertheless, when the national security of the United States is seen as threatened by Iran or terrorism, voters remain aggressively internationalist.

Mitt Romney, in his speech accepting the Republican presidential candidacy, failed to mention the ongoing war in Afghanistan, the civil war in Syria or the legacy of Iraq. NATO, the principle U.S. security alliance, was ignored. There was scant reference to China. And the single mention of Russia was intended to show that Romney would be tougher than president Barack Obama in dealing with Moscow.

Obama devoted more time to foreign policy in his acceptance speech at the Democratic convention, reminding voters that he ended the war in Iraq, has set a withdrawal date for Afghanistan, has been tough with China and would not restart the Cold War with Russia. But he too made no mention of Syria or NATO.

Read the full commentary at CNN’s Global Public Square blog

Similarly, most Indians – and other Pakistani neighbors – have an unfavorable view of Pakistan. Overwhelmingly, Indians see Pakistan as a serious threat to their country.

Despite these deeply negative views of each other, a majority in each country wants to improve relations through both diplomatic endeavors and bilateral trade. While support for increasing ties between the two nations remains high, enthusiasm has decreased somewhat since 2010 in Pakistan.

Pakistani Views of India

Pakistanis are very negative toward India – about seven-in-ten (72%) are unfavorable, including a majority (55%) that is very unfavorable. Less than a quarter (22%) are positive. Pakistanis have consistently given India negative reviews over the past few years; however, favorable ratings are up eight percentage points since 2011.

Given the history of military conflict between the two countries, it is perhaps unsurprising that roughly eight-in-ten Pakistanis (79%) say India is a serious threat to their nation, including 57% who believe it is a very serious threat. Fewer say the Taliban (58%) and al Qaeda (47%) are a major danger.

When asked which is the greatest threat – India, the Taliban, or al Qaeda – a clear majority names India. Roughly a quarter cite the Taliban and only 4% say al Qaeda. India has been seen as Pakistan’s principal threat since the question was first asked in 2009. Supporters of two major opposition parties – the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) and Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) are much more likely to name India as the biggest danger (71% and 61%, respectively) than those that affiliate with the governing Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP), where this view of India is held by 46%.

Pakistanis in the Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa regions are more likely to have negative attitudes toward India. For example, 84% in Punjab and 90% in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa see India as a serious threat, while 64% in Sindh and 61% in Baluchistan say the same.

Pakistan Poorly Regarded

Indians are also very negative toward Pakistan. Just 13% express favorable opinions of their neighbor. This is the lowest percentage among the eight countries where this question was asked. However, Pakistan does not receive much warmer reviews in the other countries surveyed.

Among the other Asian nations polled, 52% in China see Pakistan unfavorably, as do 59% in Japan. In four of the five predominantly Muslim nations, over half give Pakistan negative ratings. The only exception is Turkey, where attitudes are divided.

Nearly three-quarters of Indians (76%) say Pakistan is a serious threat, including 59% who say it is a very serious threat. A majority (63%) also believes Lashkar-e-Taiba, a militant Islamist organization in Pakistan, is a danger, while 65% say the same about the communist extremist groups in India called the Naxalites. Roughly half (53%) are concerned about China.

Among these four potential threats to India, a plurality (41%) of Indians name Pakistan as the most serious. Less than two-in-ten choose Lashkar-e-Taiba (19%) or the Naxalites (16%), while only 5% worry the most about China.

Support for Improved Relations

Despite Indians’ and Pakistanis’ mistrust of each other, there is broad support in each country for a better relationship. However, enthusiasm for such efforts has waned over the past two years in Pakistan.

A clear majority in India believes that it is important to improve relations between the two countries. While 62% of Pakistanis agree, this is less than the 70% last year that prioritized improving Pakistani-Indian relations.

Similarly, majorities in both Pakistan and India support further talks to reduce tensions between the two nations. However, approval has fallen in Pakistan since 2010, when 76% favored diplomatic discussions.

More than six-in-ten in Pakistan and India also say that increased trade between the two countries would be a good thing. The percentage in Pakistan who believes better economic relations would be positive for their country has decreased, however, from a high of 77% in 2010.

The dispute over Kashmir is a main point of contention between Pakistan and India. A solid majority (68%) of Pakistanis say the situation in Kashmir is a very big problem for their country.

Given this, roughly eight-in-ten Pakistanis also think it is very important for the two countries to resolve their differences over the region. About six-in-ten Indians agree.

U.S. Relations With India and Pakistan

Pakistanis are much more likely than Indians to believe that U.S. policies favor India. Half say American policies tilt toward India, while roughly one-in-ten thinks the U.S. is fair (8%) or favors Pakistan (9%).

Indians are more divided – roughly a quarter says American policies are fair while slightly more say they favor India. Few believe the U.S. favors Pakistan.

Many respondents in both Pakistan and India say the U.S.-India relationship has improved in recent years. Roughly a third (35%) in Pakistan and more than four-in-ten (43%) in India say relations have gotten better. Many do not have an opinion (39% in Pakistan, 41% in India).

Similarly, President Obama gets poor marks from Pakistanis – only 7% have confidence in him to do the right thing in world affairs. And key aspects of American foreign policy are widely unpopular. Most believe the U.S. acts unilaterally on the world stage, and there is widespread opposition to American anti-terrorism efforts.

A 74%-majority of Pakistanis see the U.S. as an enemy, and most think U.S.-Pakistani relations have failed to improve over the last few years. Moreover, for a growing number of Pakistanis, enhancing the relationship between the two countries is not an important priority.

Pakistanis express mixed views about American involvement in the fight against extremist groups. On balance, there is support for American financial and humanitarian aid to areas where these groups operate, as well as for U.S. intelligence and logistical assistance to the Pakistani military. Support for both, however, has declined in recent years. And few back American drone strikes.

Over the last decade, the U.S. has provided billions of dollars in aid to Pakistan in an effort to increase bilateral cooperation and improve its image. But these policies are not seen in a positive light by Pakistanis – many say that both American military and economic assistance are having a negative effect on the country.

Low Ratings for U.S., Obama

Fully 80% of Pakistanis have a negative opinion of the U.S., up seven percentage points from last year. This view has become more common over the course of the Obama era. In 2008, during President George W. Bush’s last year in office, 63% expressed a negative view of the U.S.

Throughout Obama’s presidency, few Pakistanis have held a positive view of the American leader. Today, six-in-ten say they have little or no confidence in him, down slightly from last year, but up from the 51% registered in 2009. Obama’s ratings are very similar to those received by President Bush in 2008, when 61% expressed a lack of confidence in the former president.

U.S. Foreign Policy Distrusted

Pakistanis continue to believe the U.S. acts unilaterally in world affairs. Almost two-thirds (65%) do not think the U.S. considers the interests of countries like Pakistan when it is making foreign policy decisions.

Although this has been the prevailing view among Pakistanis for a decade, the percentage who say the U.S. does not consider their interests is up nine points since last year, and is now higher than at any point since Pew began asking this question in 2002.

American anti-terrorism efforts have also been consistently unpopular in Pakistan over the last decade. In the current poll, 61% say they oppose U.S.-led efforts to combat terrorism, essentially unchanged from 62% last year.

Most Say U.S. an Enemy

Nearly three-in four Pakistanis (74%) consider the U.S. an enemy to their country, while just 8% say it is a partner. One-in-ten believe the U.S. is neither a partner nor an enemy, and 8% offer no opinion.

The percentage describing the U.S. as an enemy has grown steadily since 2010 and is currently at its highest point since 2008.

Those who live in the Punjab province are especially likely to think of the U.S. as an enemy (85%).

Pakistani views about their relationship with China are quite different. Nine-in-ten Pakistanis consider China a partner, while just 2% say it is more of an enemy.

Relations Not Improving

A shrinking minority of Pakistanis believe relations between their country and the U.S. are improving. Only 13% say the bilateral relationship has improved in recent years, while 58% disagree.

Assessments of U.S.-Pakistani relations have grown more negative over the last year, and have become considerably more negative since 2010, when the Pakistani public was almost evenly divided on this question. At that point, 36% said relations had improved and 39% said they had not.

Those who identify with the Tehreek-e-Insaf party – led by government critic Imran Khan – are particularly likely to say relations have not improved: 78% hold this view.

Overall, the goal of improving U.S-Pakistani relations is becoming less important to Pakistanis. Less than half (45%) say enhancing the relationship is important, down from 60% last year and 64% in 2010.

Limited Support for U.S. Help in Fighting Extremists

There is some support for cooperation between the U.S. and Pakistan in the fight against extremists. Half want the U.S. to provide financial and humanitarian aid to areas where extremist groups operate, while just one-in-five oppose this idea. Still, support has dropped significantly since 2009, when 72% favored these efforts.

Meanwhile, 37% support the U.S. providing intelligence and logistical assistance to Pakistani troops fighting these groups, while 25% are opposed. Again, support has declined since 2009, when 63% were in favor.

American drone attacks have been consistently unpopular, even if the attacks are coordinated with Pakistani authorities. Only 17% favor the U.S. conducting drone strikes in conjunction with the Pakistani government against leaders of extremist organizations, little changed from 23% in 2010, the first year the question was asked.

Supporters of the Tehreek-e-Insaf party are especially likely to express opposition to American aid and U.S. intelligence and logistical support.

Opposition to Drone Strikes

Just over half of Pakistanis (55%) say they have heard a lot or a little about drone attacks that target leaders of extremist groups. Awareness is considerably higher in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (87%), which borders the semi-autonomous Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in northwest Pakistan where most drone attacks have taken place.

Among those who have heard a lot or a little, nearly all (97%) consider them a bad thing. Roughly seven-in-ten (69%) believe the U.S. government is conducting these strikes, while another 18% volunteer that they believe both the U.S. and Pakistan are responsible.

Those who are familiar with the drone campaign also overwhelmingly believe the attacks kill too many innocent people (94%). Nearly three-quarters (74%) say they are not necessary to defend Pakistan from extremist organizations.

Meanwhile, those who have heard about the strikes are somewhat divided over whether they are being done with or without approval from the Pakistani government.

U.S. Assistance Having Negative Impact

On balance, American aid efforts are seen in a negative light by Pakistanis. Around four-in-ten (38%) say U.S. economic aid is having a mostly negative impact on Pakistan, while just 12% believe it is mostly positive. Similarly, 40% think American military aid is having a mostly negative effect, while only 8% say it is largely positive.

Both forms of assistance are held in especially low regard by supporters of the Tehreek-e-Insaf party – 59% see U.S. economic aid negatively, and 61% believe American military assistance is having a detrimental impact on Pakistan.

There is no consensus in Pakistan about whether American assistance is largely military or largely designed to help Pakistan develop economically: 18% say it is mostly military; 17% believe it is mostly economic; 22% think it is both equally; and 43% do not know.

In most nations, young people express a more positive view of America, and in several countries the U.S. is more popular among those with a college education.

Key aspects of American foreign policy continue to be unpopular among many around the globe. Most believe the U.S. still acts unilaterally in world affairs. And while most Europeans support American anti-terrorism efforts, they are widely opposed in Muslim nations. Moreover, U.S. drone strikes – a key element of the Obama administration’s anti-terrorism policy – are widely unpopular nearly everywhere, although the U.S. itself is a clear exception.

Assessments of American economic power have declined over the last year, and views about U.S. economic strength have shifted dramatically over the last four years, especially in Western Europe, where China is now seen as the world’s economic leader. For example, in 2008, before the global economic downturn, 42% in Spain described the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power; just 24% said China. Today, only 26% name the U.S., while 57% think China occupies the top spot.

U.S. Image Remains Largely Positive

Evaluations of the U.S. are positive in most of the nations surveyed, and this is especially true in Europe. More than two-thirds in Italy (74%), France (69%) and Poland (69%) have a favorable opinion of the U.S. Views are also largely positive in Britain (60%), Spain (58%), and the Czech Republic (54%).

German attitudes toward the U.S., while still generally positive, have cooled over the last year, with favorable ratings dropping from 62% to 52%. Smaller declines have taken place in France (-6 percentage points) and Spain (-6). Greece is the only European country polled in which the U.S. gets negative marks – only 35% of Greeks express a favorable opinion of the U.S., while 61% offer an unfavorable one.

The U.S. receives many of its lowest ratings in predominantly Muslim nations. Fewer than one-in-five have a positive opinion about America in Egypt (19%), Turkey (15%), Pakistan (12%) and Jordan (12%). Views are divided, however, in Tunisia (45% favorable, 45% unfavorable) and Lebanon (48% favorable, 49% unfavorable).

Lebanese views differ considerably among the country’s major religious groups. Solid majorities of Sunni Muslims (67%) and Christians (61%) give the U.S. a favorable grade, compared with just 7% of Shia Muslims.

Last year, driven at least in part by American relief efforts following the March 2011 earthquake and tsunami, a remarkable 85% of Japanese gave the U.S. a favorable rating. Today, 72% hold this view – a significant drop, but still higher than the 66% registered in 2010.

Elsewhere in Asia, the Chinese are roughly split in their views about the U.S. (43% favorable, 48% unfavorable). On balance, Indians see the U.S. favorably (41% favorable, 12% unfavorable), although nearly half (47%) offer no opinion.

About half of Russians (52%) express a positive view of the U.S., as do majorities in the two Latin American countries surveyed, Brazil (61%) and Mexico (56%).

Young People More Positive About U.S.

In most of the countries surveyed, younger people tend to have more positive attitudes toward the U.S. This is particularly true in Russia, where 60% of 18-29 year-olds express a favorable opinion, compared with just 42% of those age 50 and older.

Three-in-four 18-29 year-old Poles give the U.S. a positive rating, compared with 62% of people 50 and older. Similarly, in China there is a 13 percentage point gap between 18-29 year-olds (51% favorable) and those 50 and older (38% favorable). Double-digit age gaps also appear in Japan, Germany, Lebanon, Spain, Brazil, the Czech Republic, Turkey and Mexico.

In several nations, the college educated also express more positive attitudes toward the U.S. For instance, 66% of Chinese with a college degree have a favorable opinion of the U.S., while just 41% of those without a college degree hold this view. There are also significant education gaps in Lebanon, Jordan, India, and the Czech Republic.

Opinion of the American People

The American people continue to receive largely positive ratings in most of the nations polled. Majorities or pluralities in 13 of 20 countries express a favorable view of Americans, including majorities in seven of the eight European Union members surveyed. Greece again is the exception: just 44% of Greeks have a positive opinion of Americans, while 53% hold a negative opinion.

Americans receive an especially high rating in Japan (80% favorable). About six-in-ten Russians (63%) also express a positive view.

Most Lebanese (61%) see the American people in a favorable light, while opinion in Tunisia is evenly split (44% favorable, 44% unfavorable). In the other majority Muslim nations surveyed however, views are decidedly negative.

Ratings are also, on balance, negative in China, where 51% give the American people unfavorable marks and just 39% see them favorably.

Declining Economic Power

Over the last few years, perceptions about the global economic balance of power have been shifting, with growing numbers naming China, rather than the U.S., as the world’s leading economy. In this year’s poll, nine publics place China in the top spot, while seven see the U.S. as the economic leader. In five countries, views are essentially mixed.

This trend has been especially strong in Europe. Majorities or pluralities in seven of the eight EU nations surveyed consider China the global economic leader. In just the last year, the percentage naming the U.S. has declined by 13 percentage points in France, 11 points in Spain, and nine in Germany.

In Russia, just 26% say the U.S. is the top economic power, down from 40% a year ago. In 2011, 55% of the Japanese named the U.S., while just 33% said China; today, views are split, with 45% naming the U.S. and 43% China.

Turkey and Mexico are the only countries in which more than half consider the U.S. the world’s leading economic power, but in both nations the percentage naming the U.S. has declined 14 points since last year.

Americans are almost evenly divided on this question: 40% think their own country is still the economic leader, while a similar percentage (41%) name China. The Chinese, on the other hand, are not convinced that their country is the world’s leader: roughly half (48%) place the U.S. in the top position, compared with just 29% who say China.

There is no country in which even 20% name Japan as the leading economic power, although at least one-in-ten do hold this view in Russia (17%), Jordan (16%), Brazil (15%), Mexico (12%) and Poland (12%).

Germany is the only country in which the percentage identifying the financially troubled EU as the leading economic power reaches double digits. While 17% of Germans name the EU, this is down significantly from the 36% registered in 2009.

Unilateralism

Across much of the globe, people continue to believe the U.S. acts unilaterally in world affairs. However, three of the four BRIC countries – an acronym applied to these nations because of their emerging economies –are exceptions to this pattern. More than half in Brazil (55%) and China (51%) say the U.S. does take into account their interests when it is making foreign policy decisions. On balance, Indians also hold this view, although the percentage saying the U.S. considers India’s interests has declined from 57% last year to 44% today. In Russia, the fourth BRIC country, only 22% think the U.S. acts multilaterally.

Throughout Europe and the Middle East, majorities say the U.S. does not take into account the interests of countries like theirs.

Opinions on this issue have shifted in Germany since last year, when 56% said the U.S. considered the interests of nations like Germany a great deal or a fair amount. Now, just 43% hold that view.

A significant change has also taken place in Japan. In 2011, following the American aid provided to Japan after the earthquake and tsunami, 51% said the U.S. considered the interests of nations like Japan – a 20-point increase from 2010. Today, 36% express this view.

Americans see this issue differently: roughly three-in-four (77%) believe their country does take into account the interests of other nations when it is making decisions about foreign policy.

American Anti-Terrorism Efforts

Among Europeans, support for American anti-terrorism policy was low during the final years of the George W. Bush administration, but rebounded following President Obama’s election. And, outside of Greece, support of the American approach remains relatively high today in Europe.

In contrast, predominantly Muslim publics have consistently expressed negative opinions about U.S. anti-terrorism efforts throughout both the Bush and Obama eras, and that remains the case in the current poll.

In Asia, 55% of Indians favor American anti-terrorism actions, but only one-in-three Chinese agree. Views differ in the two Latin American nations surveyed – roughly two-in-three Brazilians support American efforts, compared with just 36% of Mexicans.

As has consistently been the case over time, a broad majority of Americans (76%) support the country’s anti-terrorism efforts, including 86% of Republicans, 77% of independents, and 72% of Democrats.

Widespread Opposition to Drones

In the vast majority of nations polled, there is considerable opposition to the U.S. drone campaign against extremist leaders and organizations. In 17 of 20 countries, more than half disapprove of the U.S. conducting drone missile strikes to target extremists in places such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. The policy is unpopular in majority Muslim nations, but also in Europe and other regions as well.

Indeed, at least three-in-four hold this view in a diverse set of countries: Greece (90%), Egypt (89%), Jordan (85%), Turkey (81%), Spain (76%), Brazil (76%) and Japan (75%).

The three outliers on this issue are India, Britain, and the U.S. itself. Indians who have an opinion tend to support American drone strikes (32% approve, 21% disapprove), but nearly half (47%) do not offer a view on this question. Meanwhile, the British are almost evenly divided (44% approve, 47% disapprove).

Americans largely support the drone attacks: 62% approve; just 28% disapprove. While support is especially high among Republicans (74%), most independents (60%) and Democrats (58%) also approve.

Across much of the EU, there is a significant ideological gap on this question. For example, a majority (56%) of those who describe themselves as being on the political right in Britain favor U.S. drone strikes against extremists, but just 31% on the left agree.

A similar gap emerges in France, where about half of those on the right (49%) approve of the drone attacks, compared with about one-quarter (26%) among people on the left. Double-digit differences are also found in Italy, the Czech Republic and Germany.

There are even larger differences between men and women on this question throughout much of Europe, as well as in the U.S., Japan, and Brazil. In Germany, 54% of men support the strikes, compared with just 24% of women. Fully 57% of British men approve of using drones, but only 30% of women agree. Double-digit gender gaps are found in 10 nations, including a gap of 23 percentage points in the U.S.

Views of Hillary Clinton

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton receives mixed reviews. Throughout most of Europe, she gets positive marks, especially in the Czech Republic, France, and Germany, where about seven-in-ten express confidence that she will do the right thing in world affairs. Ratings are mostly negative, however, in Spain and Greece.

Clinton receives poor marks throughout the predominantly Muslim nations polled. In Asia, roughly seven-in-ten Japanese (71%) express confidence in her, but the Chinese are divided (36% confidence, 39% no confidence). Meanwhile, the vast majority of Indians do not have an opinion about America’s chief diplomat.

On balance, Mexicans take a negative view of Secretary Clinton (27% confidence, 43% no confidence). In contrast, Brazilians see Clinton in a positive light (49% confidence, 32% no confidence).

Three-in-four Americans believe Clinton will do the right thing in world affairs, including nearly all (92%) Democrats surveyed. However, strong majorities of both independents (70%) and Republicans (62%) also hold this view.

Global approval of President Barack Obama’s policies has declined significantly since he first took office, while overall confidence in him and attitudes toward the U.S. have slipped modestly as a consequence.

Europeans and Japanese remain largely confident in Obama, albeit somewhat less so than in 2009, while Muslim publics remain largely critical. A similar pattern characterizes overall ratings for the U.S. – in the EU and Japan, views are still positive, but the U.S. remains unpopular in nations such as Egypt, Jordan, Turkey and Pakistan.

Meanwhile, support for Obama has waned significantly in China. Since 2009, confidence in the American president has declined by 24 percentage points and approval of his policies has fallen 30 points. Mexicans have also soured on his policies, and many fewer express confidence in him today.

The Obama era has coincided with major changes in international perceptions of American power – especially U.S. economic power. The global financial crisis and the steady rise of China have led many to declare China the world’s economic leader, and this trend is especially strong among some of America’s major European allies. Today, solid majorities in Germany (62%), Britain (58%), France (57%) and Spain (57%) name China as the world’s top economic power.

Even though many think American economic clout is in relative decline, publics around the world continue to worry about how the U.S. uses its power – in particular its military power – in international affairs.

There remains a widespread perception that the U.S. acts unilaterally and does not consider the interests of other countries. In predominantly Muslim nations, American anti-terrorism efforts are still widely unpopular. And in nearly all countries, there is considerable opposition to a major component of the Obama administration’s anti-terrorism policy: drone strikes. In 17 of 20 countries, more than half disapprove of U.S. drone attacks targeting extremist leaders and groups in nations such as Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia.

Americans are the clear outliers on this issue – 62% approve of the drone campaign, including most Republicans (74%), independents (60%) and Democrats (58%).

These are among the principal findings from a 21-nation survey conducted by the Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project from March 17-April 20. The poll also finds that, despite disappointment with Obama’s policies, there is still considerable support for his re-election in many countries, especially in Europe. Roughly nine-in-ten in France (92%) and Germany (89%) would like to see him re-elected, as would large majorities in Britain (73%), Spain (71%), Italy (69%) and the Czech Republic (67%). Most Brazilians (72%) and Japanese (66%) agree. But in the Middle East there is little enthusiasm for a second term – majorities in Egypt (76%), Jordan (73%) and Lebanon (62%) oppose Obama’s re-election.

Overall Ratings for U.S. Mostly Positive

Majorities or pluralities in 12 countries express a favorable opinion of the United States, while the prevailing view is negative in only five nations. In three countries views are closely divided.

Attitudes toward the U.S. are generally more positive today than in 2008, the final year of the George W. Bush administration. The biggest improvements in America’s image have occurred among Europeans – in France, Spain, and Germany, the percentage of people with a positive view of the U.S. is at least 20 percentage points higher than in 2008.

However, some of the initial surge in pro-American sentiments that followed Obama’s election have waned in Western Europe, especially in Germany where 64% had a favorable opinion of the U.S. in 2009, compared with 52% today.

In Japan, 72% currently express a favorable opinion of the U.S., up from 50% four years ago. America’s image in Japan improved dramatically in 2011, due in part to American relief efforts following the devastating March 2011 earthquake and tsunami. Fully 85% of Japanese respondents expressed a positive view of the U.S. in last year’s poll.

In a number of strategically important Muslim nations, America’s image has not improved during the Obama presidency. In fact, America’s already low 2008 ratings have slipped even further in Jordan and Pakistan.

Even in many nations where overall ratings for the U.S. remain low, however, certain aspects of American “soft power” are often well-regarded. For instance, the American way of doing business is especially popular in the Arab World – more than half in Lebanon (63%), Tunisia (59%), Jordan (59%) and Egypt (52%) say they like this element of America’s image.

Majorities or pluralities in 18 of 20 countries admire the U.S. for its science and technology, and most of the publics surveyed embrace American music, movies and television. Around the world, U.S. ideas about democracy and American ways of doing business have become more popular since Obama took office.

American soft power is often particularly appealing to young people. In particular, U.S. popular culture and American ideas about democracy are more popular among people under 30.

Still, even as they embrace certain features of American culture, people worry that it may crowd out their own cultures and traditions – majorities or pluralities in 17 of 20 countries say it is a bad thing that U.S. ideas and customs are spreading to their countries.

Disappointment With Obama’s Policies

While confidence in Obama has slipped, in many of the countries surveyed, people continue to express confidence in President Obama’s foreign policy leadership. In particular, he still gets extremely high ratings in much of Europe. More than seven-in-ten in Germany, France, Britain, the Czech Republic and Italy express confidence that Obama will do the right thing in world affairs. Big majorities in Japan and Brazil also hold this view.

There is little support for Obama, however, in the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed. Fewer than three-in-ten express confidence in him in Egypt, Tunisia, Turkey and Jordan. And roughly a year after he ordered the Abbottabad raid that killed Osama bin Laden, just 7% of Pakistanis have a positive view of Obama, the same percentage that voiced confidence in President George W. Bush during the final year of his administration.

Outside of Pakistan, however, Obama consistently receives higher ratings than Bush did in 2008. This is particularly true in Western Europe and Japan, but it is also true in several predominantly Muslim nations where Obama’s ratings – while not especially high – are nonetheless more positive than his predecessor’s.

In nearly every country where trends are available, support for Obama’s international policies has declined over the last three years. Even though most Europeans still endorse Obama’s policies, their enthusiasm has ebbed. Among the EU countries surveyed in both 2009 and 2012, a median of 78% approved of Obama’s policies in 2009, compared with 63% now. Among Muslim nations, the median has slipped from 34% to 15%. Major declines have also taken place in China, Japan, Russia and Mexico.

On a number of specific issues, there is a sense that Obama has not lived up to the expectations people had for him when he first took office. The 2009 Pew Global Attitudes survey found that many believed the new American president would act multilaterally, seek international approval before using military force, take a fair approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and make progress on climate change. As the current survey reveals, few now believe he has actually accomplished these things.

For instance, looking at the countries surveyed in both 2009 and 2012, a median of 56% in 2009 expected Obama to take significant steps to deal with climate change. Today, a median of just 22% think he has actually done this.

China’s Growing Economic Might

China’s image has slipped in several countries over the last year. The percentage of Japanese with a favorable opinion of China plummeted from 34% to 15%. In France, China’s favorability ratings dropped from 51% to 40%, and in Britain from 59% to 49%. And since last year, Americans have become less disposed to rate China positively (51% in 2011, 40% now).

However, perceptions of China’s economic power continue to grow. This is especially true in Europe, but the belief that China is the world’s top economy has become more common in the last year in other parts of the world as well, including Brazil, Japan, Turkey and Lebanon.

Views about the economic balance of power have shifted dramatically over time among the 14 countries surveyed each year from 2008 to 2012. In 2008, before the onset of the global financial crisis, a median of 45% named the U.S. as the world’s leading economic power, while just 22% said China. Today, only 36% say the U.S., while 42% believe China is in the top position.

Also of Note

• Global publics are much less interested in the 2012 U.S. presidential election than they were in the 2008 contest. For example, four years ago 56% of Germans were closely following the race, compared with just 36% now.
• Much like President Obama, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton receives largely positive marks in Western Europe, but is unpopular in the predominantly Muslim nations surveyed.
• German Chancellor Angela Merkel receives mostly favorable ratings in Europe – with the clear exception of Greece, where only 7% express confidence in her.
• Russian President Vladimir Putin is rated negatively in most of the countries surveyed, and Russia’s overall image has declined since last year in Western Europe and the U.S.